Fatima in a book reveals the intricacies of the most influential political dynasty in Pakistan
"With a family like this [Bhutto] does not need enemies," whispers Fatima Bhutto, 28, petite, frail and with a sense of humor. Subida a unos zapatos detacón de aguja, habla con fuerza y convicción de su familia, la dinastía más influyente en la historia de Pakistán, y lo que la rodea: asesinatos, corrupción y política. Subida a needle detacón shoes, speaks with force and conviction of his family, the most influential dynasty in the history of Pakistan and its surroundings: murder, corruption and politics. Y mantiene la esperanza de que en un par de generaciones su país será distinto con respecto a la política y la violencia. And holding out hope that in a couple of generations their country will be different with regard to politics and violence.
Fatima is the granddaughter of Zulfikar, the Pakistani president executed in 1979 under the dictatorship of General Zia ul Haq. También es hija del que podía haber sido su sucesor, Murtaza, si no hubiese sido asesinado en 1996, según Fatima, con el visto bueno de su hermana Benazir, entonces primera ministra y rival electoral, y su marido Asif Zardari, actual presidente paquistaní. It is also the daughter of which could have been his successor, Murtaza, had it not been assassinated in 1996, according to Fatima, with the approval of his sister Benazir, then prime minister and electoral rival, and her husband Asif Zardari, Pakistan's current president.
Raised halfway between Kabul, Tripoli, Paris and Damascus, was 14 when his father was gunned down near his home in Karachi, southern Pakistan. Con su muerte desapareció la única referencia fija en su vida, dado que su madre biológica se había alejado, tras divorciarse, cuando ella tenía sólo tres años. With his death the only fixed reference disappeared in her life since her birth mother had moved away, following his divorce, when she was only three years. El presunto complot familiar fue uno de los motivos del distanciamiento entre tía y sobrina, hasta la muerte de Benazir , víctima de un sangriento atentado preelectoral en diciembre de 2007. The family alleged plot was one of the reasons for the estrangement between aunt and niece, until the death of Benazir, victim of a bloody pre-election attack in December 2007.
With this family background as saddlebags, Fatima began six years ago a journey that has resulted in the book Songs of Blood and Sword (Lyrics blood and sword), a title taken from Khosrow Golsurkhi Iranian poet, executed in 1972 under the regime of Shah .
The text denounces the repression of the governments of his grandfather and aunt. "Ser crítica con mi abuelo no implica ser desleal. Él hizo cosas extraordinarias, pero también cometió errores, como el trato que tuvo con las minorías", explica Fatima, quien recorre la historia de su familia de forma paralela a la de Pakistán, desde la división de India (1947), el conflicto de Cachemira, la Guerra Fría, la invasión soviética de Afganistán (ella nació en Kabul) y el Pakistán posterior al 11-S. "To be critical of my grandfather did not mean to be unfair. He did wonderful things, but also made mistakes, such as the treatment he had with minorities," said Fatima, who runs his family's history parallel to that of Pakistan, from the partition of India (1947), the Kashmir conflict, the Cold War, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (she was born in Kabul) and Pakistan after 11-S.
"Today, Pakistan has 180 million people, lack of infrastructure, schools, drinking water and electricity. On the other hand, is a nuclear power and we know from the cricket," he says of pulling in Asia House in London. En su documentado libro acusa a Benazir ya Zardari de estar implicados en la muerte de su padre, e insinúa, con el abogado francés JacquesVergés , que Benazir también tuvo algo que ver con el envenenamiento de su hermano menor, Shahnawaz. In his excellent books Benazir and Zardari accused of involvement in the death of his father, and implies, with the French lawyer JacquesVergés that Benazir also had something to do with the poisoning of his younger brother Shahnawaz.
At the end of the story, reading what you are doing the current president's legacy of Bhutto and the PPP (Pakistan People's Party), the reader comes to believe that Zardari was behind the murder of his wife. Pero eso Fatima no lo afirma. But why not Fatima says. "La vida de mi padre estaba marcada por la muerte de su padre y de su hermano. Las palabras dictador, asesino, ley marcial, cárcel eran parte de nuestro vocabulario cotidiano. Mi padre era muy crítico con el Gobierno de su hermana ", cuenta, preocupada por su propia seguridad y por la de su hermano Zulfikar, de 20 años, el único varón Bhutto aún con vida, a pesar de que Zardari haya cambiado a Bhutto el apellido de su hijo y sus dos hijas. "My father's life was marked by the death of his father and brother. The words dictator, murderer, martial law, jail were part of our everyday vocabulary. My father was very critical of the government of his sister," says Concerned for his own safety and that of his brother Zulfikar, 20, the only man still alive Bhutto, despite Bhutto Zardari has changed the name of his son and two daughters.
Fatima also fears for the safety of the persons identified in the book and opposing the current government. "Recibo muchos mensajes de Pakistán diciéndome que no regrese, de momento". "I get many messages telling me not to return Pakistan at the moment." El autoexilio, como la cárcel, es también habitual en la familia Bhutto. The self-exile, as the prison is also common in the Bhutto family.
Sceptical about diplomacy
Su padre y su tío aspiraban a heredar el liderazgo del PPP y formaron el Comité por la Libertad de Zulfikar Bhutto en 1976 cuando fue encarcelado. His father and uncle aspired to inherit the leadership of the PPP and formed the Committee for Freedom of Zulfikar Bhutto in 1976 when he was jailed. El comité se entrevistó con el senador TedKennedy, con Yasir Arafat, con Giscard d'Estaing y con Margaret Thatcher. The committee met with Senator TedKennedy, with Yasir Arafat, with Giscard d'Estaing and Margaret Thatcher.
Pero la diplomacia no salvó al presidente Bhutto, y los hermanos optaron por la lucha armada desde Afganistán. But diplomacy did not save President Bhutto, and the brothers opted for armed struggle from Afghanistan. "No estoy de acuerdo con aquella decisión, aunque entiendo que estaban desesperados por vengar la muerte de su padre", explica Fatima, escéptica con la eficacia de la diplomacia. "Mi padre quería ser Che Guevara" , añade. "I disagree with that decision, although I understand that they were desperate to avenge the death of his father," explains Fatima, skeptical to the effectiveness of diplomacy. "My father wanted to be Che Guevara," he adds. Ella no quiere meterse en política, asegura. She does not want to meddle in politics, he said. Prefiere "ser una voz desde fuera del sistema". He prefers to "be a voice from outside the system."
This is a Translation from Spanish to English
Source: http://translate.google.com/translate?js=y&prev=_t&hl=en&ie=UTF-8&layout=1&eotf=1&u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.publico.es%2Finternacional%2F326677%2Fheredera%2Fbhutto%2Fdenuncia%2Ffamiliares%2Ffatima%2Fpakistan&sl=auto&tl=en
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