Join us to Seek Justice for Mir Murtaza Bhutto

Thursday, October 29, 2009

Hillary, Go Home

by Fatima Bhutto
28 October, 2009

As Secretary Clinton arrives in Pakistan amid pandemonium today, The Daily Beast’s Fatima Bhutto says her visit is pure charade—and that American aid is the gift that keeps on taking.

Tonight, blood is on everyone’s mind in Pakistan.

One week ago, the Pakistan army—aided by U.S. drone technology, no less—launched its offensive against the South Waziristan region, the new home of our fabled local Taliban. The Taliban moved there after last summer’s Swat offensive, which was declared a resounding success. So successful, apparently, that the militants were able to pack up and shuffle right into a new region of the country.

Maybe Hillary Clinton can explain this to us. She’s here today, ostensibly to show that America’s foreign policy toward Pakistan is focused on more than just security and terrorism. But fate loves irony: Upon the Secretary’s arrival today, Peepal Mandi Bazaar—a busy shopping center that caters mainly to women picking up fabric and children rummaging through the book and toy stalls—was hit by a monstrous blast. So far, ninety people are dead. More than two hundred are injured. Lady Reading hospital in the city is sending out urgent requests for blood donations—there’s just not enough available for the wounded.

There is too much blood, there is not enough blood.

Clinton, who has fondly reminisced about her decades-long friendship with President Zardari, dating back to the time when they were both first spouses, promised when she landed in Islamabad today to stand “shoulder to shoulder” with Pakistan in its fight against terrorism.

Hillary, I think we’re standing close enough as it is. This government, feted by Clinton as a much ballyhooed ally, doesn’t have a very solid handle on what’s what. President Zardari’s party, the PPP, is run more like a corporation, negotiating billion-dollar aid packages for Pakistan from anyone who’s willing to foot the bill. Zardari bragged to England’s Daily Telegraph this July that he “has resisted extremists from Aung San Suu Kyi to the Taliban,” mistakenly (one hopes?) coupling the Burmese pro-democracy leader with the nefarious bearded militants.

During its one year in office, the Zardari government has passed two measly but scurrilous bills. The first, called the National Reconciliation Ordinance (nicknamed the National Robbers Ordinance by clever newsmen), legitimizes twenty years of the ruling party’s corruption, and includes a stipulation that makes it virtually impossible to file charges against sitting politicians. The Zardari government then passed a bill democratizing censorship, expanding restrictions on text messages and emails that spoof, satirize, or assassinate the president’s character. If Secretary Clinton wants to expand her government’s relationship with Pakistan, she cannot claim to be supporting democracy or the rule of law.

Pakistan’s government, already seen as a generously greased U.S. stooge by its citizens and neighbors, is receiving billions of dollars from Clinton’s employer. The Kerry Lugar bill promises $1.5 billion a year (for “development”) but the fine print is a gift that keeps on taking. While Pakistan will be flush with development dollars, we will have to send the U.S. government detailed reports regarding our armed forces, including assessments of the civilian control of our very independent army, updates on our prevention of nuclear proliferation, and expertise and analysis of how much we have expanded or diminished our nuclear programs.

Pakistan’s sovereignty was signed over to Hillary and Barack some time ago. With a government willing to use U.S. drone technology against its own people, bomb various parts of its country when directed to, and allow a revolving-door policy for American officials, it’s no wonder Washington is hell bent on supporting the disastrous Zardari government.

Tonight, as Pakistan buries its many dead, Secretary Clinton and the Obama administration are seen as defenders of a state that can not protect its people. It’s time for her to go home.

Fatima Bhutto is a graduate of Columbia University and the School of Oriental and African Studies. She is working on a book to be published by Jonathan Cape in 2010. Fatima lives and works in Karachi, Pakistan.

Source:

http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2009-10-28/hillary-go-home/?cid=hp:mainpromo2

Tuesday, October 27, 2009

RIP dear Afzal Bhaijaan

We very regretfully would like to inform you that Fatiz's little brother, Afzal passed away.Thank you for your prayers in what is a very difficult time for all of us.



Dreading for the first time when the phone buzzed on silent,

In a meeting yet my mind wandered, as thoughts seem to be on rent.
I saw the words of my team member that I feared for now almost 48 hours,
My heart raced like someone threw me from a high rise tower.
Too often in life you never think of how blessed we should be for tomorrow,
Focusing instead on the kind of no good today’s simple sorrow,
What do you tell a friend whose kid brother passed away?
On a night, when I was complaining to life about a very busy day!
It is at such times, when words fail to provide any kind of solace,
You realize life need not always bestow you with, taken for granted grace.
The words blurred as tears began to take refuge in my eyes,
In the harshest of silence, you could hear the heart breaking cries.
But it was then that I saw a butterfly fidgeting by the end of the dusty window,
I remembered the story of how it had to die as a caterpillar to proudly its wings show!
May be in all this madness, there is one comforting thought I can offer to the mother of that son.
That our little brother is now on his way to being a butterfly in the garden of heaven.
Where he can fly and smile and live without any suffering or sadness
With God as his caretaker, how happy he must be can be anyone’s guess!
Until we meet again when, all of us earn our way to our own wings,
Look after us like a guiding angel, we promise your remembrance will only cause joy in our hearts to ring!

Rest in Peace Dear Afzal Zahoor…
Till We Meet Again

Saturday, October 24, 2009

Fatima Bhutto is back in Karachi





We welcome Fatima bhutto back home after a successful event at the Ubud Festival..;-)
Sorry we missed the lunch..;-p

Friday, October 23, 2009

Please Pray for a Team Member

Fatima Bhutto fan club team is very sad to share the news that, one of our team members' brother, is seriously unwell and needs urgent medical care. Please people, whoever are part of this club and those that come up on this page say a quiet prayer for Fatima Zahoor's brother Afzal. Fatima Zahoor has been instrumental in the conception and smooth working of this club and all our affiliated sites.

May all our prayers have the power to give the family immense strength and Afzal the spirit to fight hard and come back healthy and happy to Pakistan.

The team is grateful to Fatima Bhutto for her solidarity and prayers, at a time that is difficult for all of us.

Thank you
Regards
Fatima Bhutto Fanclub Team

Terrified Whispers in Pakistan by Fatima Bhutto

There are stories being whispered in Pakistan these days, and their veracity is hard to gauge. No one knows what is real anymore in this country that seems hell-bent on self-destruction. In fact, our chief industry now seems to be the manufacture of fear, and everyone’s on the assembly line. The combination of ever-present violence and lack of reliable information has made us a country of debilitating Chinese whispers.

Whisper: Balochistan is next on the U.S. hit list for a fresh round of drone bombings. Could Pakistan’s army finagle a peace prize out of agreeing to attack their own country? Could they share it with the Pentagon?

Whisper: A local pundit tallied up the days and weeks that Richard “AfPak” Holbrooke has spent in Pakistan, and claims the American diplomat has spent more time here than President Zardari, whose personal security strategy is to be as far away from Pakistan as possible.

Whisper: Terror hasn’t been abated. It’s only grown. A gutsy attack and hostage-taking at the general headquarters of the Pakistan Army in Rawalpindi brought us new boogeymen. Baitullah Mehsud? The dead-undead Pakistan Taliban leader? He’s so last summer. Now we have someone named Dr. Osman. He leads the Amjad Farouqi terror group. The what? I know, change is difficult. Try to keep up.

Whisper: Schools across Sindh have been shut for a week. Schools in the nation’s power province of the Punjab have been shut indefinitely. All military academies, cadet colleges, and training schools have been closed down. Police teams have defused bombs in girls’ schools across the Northeest Frontier Province. They say the terrorists (we change their name so often we can’t guess who is leading who anymore) are planning a Beslan-style siege—they’ll target primary schools, they’ll take hostages, they will kill the young.

Whisper: Pakistan’s foreign minister, the bumbling Shah Mahmood Qureshi’s son, works as a legislative fellow in the office of Senator John Kerry. Is it true? Does he even have a son? Is it a coincidence that the foreign minister’s son works with the man who is pushing through the namesake Kerry-Lugar Bill, which would pump money into Pakistan (for developmental aid, of course!) in exchange for added U.S. influence in Pakistan’s political affairs, its army, and its "pro-democracy agenda," whatever that is? The Pakistani peoples’ commitment to democracy and pro-Americanism is strong, but our leaders' commitments to nepotism will always be stronger.

Pakistan’s chronology lends itself to a state of national confusion. First there was the selection of a notorious criminal as a dictator’s presidential replacement. Then there was the hysterical paso doble of imposing Sharia law in the Swat Valley before, weeks later, sending in the armed forces to “clean out” the valley of fundamentalists only recently celebrated through the Orwellian peace deal. Then there were the 3 million internally displaced Pakistanis—no one talks about them anymore. As the Pakistan army, buoyed by their benefactors in Washington, launches a new offensive in Waziristan (because the first one went so well), we are too busy creating a new displaced-persons population to give a moment’s thought to the dispossessed of Swat.

The carnage at the Islamic University of Islamabad, which left four dead and 18 wounded in two coordinated attacks on the campus, is moving off our front pages to make way for new atrocities: Two soldiers killed in a gunfight in the nation’s capital, a breaking-news icon on television told us Thursday morning.

What happens to a Pakistan that can no longer defend itself from its own people? This is not a whisper. This is not an is-it-or-isn’t-it-true rumor. This is a warning. Mass graves were unearthed in the Swat Valley this fall. The 150 bodies, bearing gunshot wounds, are purported to be the corpses of suspected militants. Security officials deny that extrajudicial murders were carried out; human-rights groups disagree.

This is what life in Pakistan has become. We’ve been made into scavengers, hungry for signs of who may be targeted next.



Source: http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2009-10-22/terrified-whispers-in-pakistan/

Fatima Bhutto's ORIGINAL TWITTER ACCOUNT

Being totally fed up at the fake Fatima Bhuttos on twitter Fatima Bhutto has started her own account. The club has authentic confirmation of the site. So all you following the fake Fatima Bhuttos, here's the ORIGINAL FATIMA BHUTTO ACCOUNT for you all.

www.twitter.com/fbhutto

Thursday, October 22, 2009

Blog's Poll Results:

The last poll was:


Do you like Fatima Bhutto writing articles that are more political or general?

Political 22 votes (85%)
Social 7 votes (25%)
General 3 votes (11%)
Fiction 0 votes (0%)

Ubud Festival Photos

Credit: Neal Harrison

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Fatima Bhutto Fan club would like to wish Fatima Arif, a Very Happy Birthday!



Everyone, please join us in wishing her, in the comments section. Fatima Arif works very hard, to keep you updated with the news and writings of Fatima Bhutto. Show her some appreciation and send her your good wishes.

Fatima Zahoor & Karishma

Monday, October 19, 2009

Some random Pictures










Fatima Bhutto: Negotiating Nobility


Perhaps there is nobility in saying no. Discussing US President Barack Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize and her rising political stardom in Pakistan, Fatima Bhutto, the niece of assassinated Pakistani prime minister Benazir, suggested prematurity on both fronts.


With the nomination coinciding with the anniversary of the US invasion of Afghanistan, where the US president has pledged to send 40,000 more troops, and with American drones continuing to fly over the heads of Pakistanis, Fatima is clearly not impressed.


“I think it would have been the right thing [for Obama] to say no, not yet,” she says.


The journalist and writer was in town to speak at the Ubud Writer’s and Readers Festival, and caused a stir at every event.


“It is a shame that a country, which as a nation is not linked with peace, seems to keep producing Nobel Peace Prize winners. Jimmy Carter, Henry Kissinger – who is the personification of all evil – and now Obama,” reels Fatima in disgust.


Resistance and politics are in her blood, but it is a lineage that has been marred by a string of bloody political assassinations.


Her grandfather, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, formed the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and was elected prime minister in 1973. Following a political crisis, Zulfiqar was imprisoned by General Zia-ul-Haq who imposed martial law on the country. Zulfiqar was hanged in 1979, after the High Court found him guilty of murdering the father of a dissident PPP politician.


Her father, Murtaza, formed Al Zulfikar, an armed revolutionary movement in the late 1970s, which sought to overthrow Zia’s military dictatorship.


Fatima was born in Afghanistan, where her father fled in exile, and spent her childhood in Syria. A family feud erupted after her father’s return to Pakistan 16 years later, where his sister Benazir had just been elected prime minister for the second time running.


Murtaza was seeking a powerful position in her party, but Benazir resisted her brother’s grab for a prominent role in the party founded by their father. He formed an opposition party in response, but it lacked popularity and more blood was shed when he was suspiciously killed in a gunfight with police in 1996.


Fatima publicly speculated that her aunt Benazir was involved in her father’s death. Just over a decade later, in 2007, Benazir was murdered at an election rally when a gunman shot her in the neck and set off a bomb. The current prime minister, Asif Ali Zadari, is the widower of Benazir and is widely accused of rampant corruption.


For decades, Pakistani politics has been plagued by instability, corruption and violence, and in some way Fatima has always been in the wings.


After completing her masters at London’s School of African and Oriental Studies, and writing her thesis on the resistance to Zia’s dictatorship, 27-year-old Fatima has established herself as a well-respected voice on Pakistani politics, both at home and abroad.


Her writing is polemic, unforgiving and brutal about the hypocrisy of Western governments and their continued support of the corrupt Pakistani regime. In a sarcastic mock letter addressed to British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, published on an online blog in January, Fatima writes:


“It was such a lovely surprise to have you over. It warmed our hearts, really it did. I especially enjoyed your faith in our new government (you know, the one headed by two former ex-cons?).


The CIA and NATO have both praised Pakistan’s new regime for its enthusiastic assistance in the war on terror, and now you’ve chimed in. I find it’s always nice to have supportive friends when you’re at war with your own citizens.”


Fatima’s writing is always labelled “controversial”, but she says, “I never think about that when I write”. Although she denies she is frightened about what she writes, she does say that what she writes is frightening. Pakistan has recently passed an ambiguous and draconian cyber crimes law that can sentence people to death for “cyber terrorism”.


“There are so many horror stories,” she sighs, “you don’t even have to look for them anymore.”For Fatima, it is not the country but the government that has failed.


“Bucket-loads of billions of dollars” in loans from the US and the IMF have perpetuated government and military corruption, impunity and healthy Swiss bank accounts for the Pakistani elite, she says.


Between 2001 and 2008, Pakistan received more than US$10 billion in aid that was never accounted for by then president Pervez Musharraf’s administration.


In the lush surroundings of Ubud — talking about the Taliban in the Swat valley and middle-class Pakistanis in Karachi that adopted out their children because they couldn’t afford to feed them during last year’s food crisis — the failed state seems a world away.


“The History of Love and The Great Gatsby are my favorite books,” she tells me, “because they were so powerful and seem to follow their own rules.”


That’s not surprising because she seems to set her own rules too. It is these fiercely independent opinions that characterize her columns in Pakistani papers, The New Statemen and The Guardian, railing against a country she describes as beautiful but dispossessed.


It is clear why Pakistan has become beguiled by her beauty and bolshie-ness. Fans dedicated to Fatima have been pleading for her to lead the country; on Facebook thousands of Pakistanis have asked for her to restore justice and become Pakistan’s next prime minister.


But Fatima says she has no plans to enter the messy world of Pakistan’s government any time soon, preferring instead to contribute to political resistance through her writing. She is currently working on a third book, a history of the Bhutto family, set to be published in 2010.


“I have always been a Bhutto, and this pressure is new,” she says.


“My name precedes anyone being interested in me. I never sought power with my name. I think it is positive to have this name, and say no.”


Fatima’s writing is always labelled “controversial”, but she says, “I never think about that when I write.


Saturday, October 17, 2009

Happy Diwali From Fatima Bhutto's FanClub Team




Fatima Bhutto fan club would like to wish all its readers a very Happy and Prosperous Diwali!

THE WRITING LIFE ... Fatima BHUTTO

TOO LEGIT TO COMPETE
Being the voice for change is a common cliché in the post-Obama world of politics. But ironically for FATIMA BHUTTO, a niece of the assassinated former prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto, change is exactly why she stays out of politics. SHANNON TEOH finds her readier to document rather than represent

WHAT’S IN A NAME? In Pakistan, damn near everything.

If you thought having Bush Sr. and Jr. as presidents was something, the unauthoritative but extremely useful Wikipedia actually has a page dedicated to “Political families of Pakistan.” There are 14 of them, and under Bhutto, we find 21 names said to be “in politics.”

One of them is Fatima Bhutto, who, once she finds out about this, will probably protest her inclusion.

The Bhutto name needs no introduction to an international audience, let alone to 180 million Pakistanis brought up in a democracy which makes no apologies for its dynastic inclinations. Such is the grip of this mindset that on various internet forums discussing interviews where Fatima rejects suggestions that she gets contest in elections, Pakistanis are extolling her virtues and stating openly that they would support her wholeheartedly.

Pointedly, some will even go so far as to say that it is Fatima’s destiny, and not that of her 20-year-old cousin Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, son of the assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, to inherit the family’s political leadership. One rationale is particularly illuminating—Bilawal is not a real Bhutto but a Zardari.

So the apologies are left instead to the 27-year-old poet and journalist.

“My decision not to take part in parliamentary politics is absolute,” she said in a telephone-interview from her home in Karachi.

“You can quote me on that, Shannon,” she added for emphasis, clearly frustrated at constant speculation that she will eventually make a tilt for a top role in government and in at least once case, she claims of rather mischievous reporting.

I was referring to a news report where Fatima had appeared to leave the door open should birthright politics be dismantled and an open field established, but Fatima claimed it was a case of “two separate things being pieced together.”

“It was a separate question asking if I lived in a country without a feudal background and I didn’t come from a dynasty. So I said that if that was the case, in an ideal situation, then of course, it’s an entirely different proposition,” she explained.

Fatima has been critical of birthright politics for as long as she had a platform to do so and today does so in Pakstasni media as well as columns in The Daily Beast and New Statesman, and commentaries in The Guardian. In our interview, she decried as “farcical” that Pakistan has been “devastated” by the idea that “all you need that qualifies you to rule is a name.”

“It can even be an add-on name, somewhere in the equation and you are suitable,” she scoffed.

Instead, she has been pushing for, mainly through her writing, the voiceless to be empowered and have Pakistanis being represented by members of their own constituencies and communities.

“I am happy to play a role from the sidelines, to write and support causes I believe in and speak out against those I feel are dangerous and leave the actual politicking to someone else,” she said.

But the irony in her quest for a change to a democracy based on merit is nearly tragic in its immensity. She even sounded like she was tasting it as she said “it behooves me—(she pauses for an exasperated chuckle)—to say, I will not participate.”

Because the fact is that she does come from a dynasty and the Bhutto name is an inescapable soapbox for her. Fatima also helps her stepmother, Ghinwa Bhutto, to campaign during elections—although it would be unfair to say that Ghinwa rides on the Bhutto name given that she heads a dissenting breakaway party from the Pakistan People’s Party, which is practically a Bhutto heirloom. Fatima’s highly recognisable profile, is as much due to her surname as it is her columns in various newspapers, multiple appearances on television, two books and, well, the loud whispering in the gossip rags featuring one George Clooney.

This is not to say her work has no validity once you cut the cords of family, but it is undeniable that it is a key selling point and gives Fatima greater relevance. She must know this, of course. Next year, her third book will be published and it is about “the violence that connects Pakistan and my family.”

“It weaves itself between this country and this family, making it part historical, part journalistic and also part personal. It’s my way of trying to understand the violence that I‘ve lived with personally and as a Pakistani,” she said and at the time of the interview, she was still being kept up most nights by the lack of a title.

It becomes obvious that any naivety in her cause or work so far is only due to the very nature of her social and political activism. Hope—usually against all hope—is what keeps the underdogs going, after all.

But again, it is cruel irony that hope is probably why Pakistanis want to see her in government. Fatima agrees that it is difficult to blame Pakistanis for what is essentially “hope and expectations” derived from “a relationship with the family.”

“You can’t eliminate hope, as Barack Obama would say, there is nothing false about hope,” she said, quoting the US president.

The problem with hope in Pakistan, she believes, is that it creates a situation where “they just decide, we don’t like Musharraf (the self-appointed former president who led a military coup d’etat), we want someone else and we’ll take just about anybody at this point.”

Her hope is that all this can change and is reflected in her pursuance of what she calls “the hidden transcript.” She related her first visit to Malaysia a year ago, saying she found the people “very warm and open, eager to share, talk and discuss.”

“The same is true in Pakistan, but when you open the newspapers, none of that is reflected in them. It is as if the people in power are on one side, and the people you meet everyday are on the other. You feel there is a disconnection,” she mused.

“I think of what I do as citizen journalism. I’ve never liked the idea of being a columnist or commentator. Instead, I wrote about things I was living in and witnessing but not seeing on television or reading in newspapers.

“I liked the idea of coming from inside a society, of it being rogue in some kind of way—what I was doing was to archive and catalogue. So there are two transcripts out there of what is recorded. The established transcript in state newspapers and TV, and then the hidden transcript of how people live and what life is like and their struggles,” she explained.

This was the motivation behind 8:50am 8 October 2005, published three years ago about the earthquake in Pakistan’s north that killed some 80,000 people. The fact is documented well enough, but Fatima found that the stories that needed to be told were those of the survivors.

“When I went to the earthquake area on personal trips to distribute aid to women and children, I was shocked that the things people told me were news I hadn’t heard on the TV or newspapers. There was a lot of attention but it was always politicians or newscasters speaking for people portrayed as silent victims.

“But the people I met were not victims at all. They were survivors and they were resilient, very gutsy and impassioned about what happened and what needed to be done. I wasn’t seeing that anywhere else,” she recalled.

It would be easy to psychoanalyse Fatima and say that this is simply a typical condescending upper-class reaction to her privileged upbringing where her first book was a collection of poetry written in her pubescent years. That may not be a completely invalid point, as Fatima herself admitted, but it would be one that is completely unsympathetic to the (c)rude interruption of those pubescent years by the death of her father.

It was half a life and while she still writes poems—a full collection remains unpublished—she has found a modus operandi and a purpose that she has utter belief in.

In hindsight, Fatima believes that her citizen journalism is when she really found her voice as a writer and “started to write as an adult; the poetry was from when I was a child, really.

“Nobody was talking about what it was like on a daily basis, living through something. For me, as an adult, by the time I started to work on the earthquake book, I knew that was what I wanted to do. If there was a way to uncover the hidden transcripts, then I wanted to be involved in doing that.

“I didn’t want to put myself necessarily in the front—I wanted to share my experiences and what I thought about things, but I didn’t need them to be about me. Coming from a political family and that kind of background, it was an important realisation for me to make and that was really when it became clear to me that I wasn’t going into politics, that I had more of a role to play through writing and activism,” she said.

Time will tell if her efforts will prove to be wanting or even in vain in the context of Pakistani politics. But insisting that journalists and writers, not politicians, were her heroes while growing up, her presence at the Ubud Writers & Readers Festival 2009 is a testament to a larger truth, that even if journalism or literature may not always change the destiny of the world, it can change the destiny of lives.

Even if it’s only the life of the writer.

SHANNON TEOH, when not pretending to know everything, busies himself trying to have a laugh. Some might argue they’re both the same thing. However, this winner of several Boy Scout badges would argue that the first provides him with a salary at The Malaysian Insider and the latter ensures he never gets a second date. Or was it the other way round?

Reproduced from the Ubud Writers & Readers Festival 2009 issue of Quill magazine

Source:http://goodbooksguide.blogspot.com

Wednesday, October 14, 2009

I love to fight

In a far away place, Hillary Clinton announced her intention to run for president in 2008. She sat on CNN and in her American twang highlighted the problems of the Bush Administration. "Obviously (awb-veeously) they have failed in every possible (pah-sihbel) way: We have to reign in Iran and Syria and it has to be done now." Oh please. This from a country where a woman has never made it to the vice presidency, let alone the presidency? If you ask me, it's the Americans that need to be reigned in and liberated - Operation Enduring Freedom should be launched stateside.

Iranian women have not only successfully survived the Islamic conditions imposed on them since the Revolution, they have thrived under them. What women have accomplished under the Revolution has secured them a place in the reinvention of the Republic, and a prominent place at that. Under the Shah's time Iran had an illiteracy rate of 65-70 per cent; now there is a 70-80 per cent literacy rate.

Goli Emami, a translator, writer and publisher, put it to me this way, "During the Shah's time, we had certain freedoms but we had a Hijab over our eyes. After the Revolution, we still had a Hijab but we were able to push it back over our heads". Khanum Emami's continued: "The Shah's freedoms for women had no roots, no base - they did not genuinely come from women's hearts, like it does now. Because we had to prove ourselves, we have become so capable. Women here are such a force you wouldn't believe it."

I told her how amazed I was with the resilience of young people in Tehran; Iranians under the age of 30 make up 70 per cent of the population. Their will to dominate and persevere is so strong it pulses through the streets and avenues of the city. Khanum Emami agreed with me. "Where did this generation come from? We wouldn't have dreamt of confronting the state and the rules imposed on us they way they do, the youth are constantly in a confrontational mode - they are truly the children of this Revolution, who taught them how to battle the state."

Khanum Emami's publishing house includes translations from Nietzsche, books on civil society in the Islamic world and the collected works of Emily Bronte.

Haleh Anvari's photography centres on the most potent political icon of our times: the black chador. It is used by the West to define Islam in a repressive and suffocating light and by the East as a symbol of their radicalism and total religious belief. Anvari's Chador-nama series brings colour back to the imagination - both Eastern and Western - of Iran. Women in bright floral chadors pose near the fading light of a forest, between the imposing peaks of mountains and walk on pebbled desert roads. Anvari wanted to, needed to, colour the black that defines women in Iran . "The Islamic Revolution made women such a powerful symbol of change - visually. Iranian women are aware of how the politics of the Islamic regime affects them and there's a portion of feminist intellectuals, who believe that the Hijab is a small price for them to pay if it brings other sisters out of their homes."

Fifty thousand art students are graduating out of Iranian universities every year, a large portion of them being women. Anvari described Iran as a country stuck between pride and fear - pride that they, surrounded by a sea of stooges in the region, are an independent country - albeit with pronounced pariah status - and fear that things could get worse and that Iran might soon pay the price for its intense politics of disobedience.

I must stress that none of these women are believers in Islamic rule, nor are they especially fond of the current regime. They do not wear chadors and they do not want politics to be inscribed on their bodies or their minds. They are strong, courageous, women and it is that and the virtue of their talent that defines and shapes them. Daily life is a struggle, Anvari said, but "our minds are freer than citizens of many Western democracies". "We have a question mark about everything, but after 9/11 it seems that people in England, for example, believe every single lie that their politicians tell them. We are more critical. More engaged."

Shadi Ghadirian is another prominent photographer, whose Qajar series set in the sepia tones of the past empire, placed women in olden day portrait settings, holding Coke cans and boom boxes. Twelve years ago when she shopped her work around in galleries, there was not a single space that would exhibit her photographs - women's faces were forbidden from being seen. Not a single space dared to show the work, except for one. Lili Golestan's Golestan Gallery took on Ghadirian's photographs and displayed them proudly. Why did you do it? I asked her. "I am not afraid of them, they are afraid of me," she replied defiantly.

No, women are not afraid in Iran. Nayere Tavakoli, a professor of women's literature at the Islamic Open University in Tehran, is one of the few academics working in a brave new discipline: Women's Studies. The field is only about five years old in the country, but Tavakoli teaches Virginia Woolf and Erica Jong and works to improve understandings of gender identity and discrimination. She teaches classic and modern Iranian feminist writers and is active in several political feminist campaigns. She showed me a petition that demands the eradication of anti-women laws, laws that deprive women of the right of custody, laws that put the price of blood money for a women at half the price given to men, archaic inheritance laws - basically the Hudood Ordinance, but in a prettier language. Tavakoli and other women activists are lobbying for a million signatures - and they don't want foreigners' signatures to bolster numbers, no, they'll do this on their own and for themselves.

Mahvash Sheik ol Islami's latest documentary film, Article 61, followed women on death row in Tehran's notorious Evin Prison. She fought for six months to gain access to the women, all convicted of murder in self-defence, and filmed for five days straight eating and working in the prison with the inmates. "Every time I walked out of the prison gates I thought - I'm free. They're not. Why?" Because of her film and the awareness it raised locally and internationally, Khanum Mahvash saved the lives of two women. One woman, who stabbed and then castrated an officer, who tried to rape her in her home, was released from jail because of the furore with which the women's movement in Iran followed her case. Another woman's death sentence was commuted at the 11th hour because of the letters written by Khanum Mahvash to newspapers and officials. Her commanding film, though banned, could not be ignored. "That's amazing," I whispered. Khanum Mahvash stood up to wear her coat, "I love to fight. As long as I'm alive, I have to fight".


Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

Children of the revolution

About a mile before the cemetery of Behesht-e-Zahra you begin to spot the flower sellers. Young men lined up by the sides of the road, holding out carnations and tuberoses as offerings for the dead. The gates of the cemetery, the main resting grounds for the martyrs of the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, are marked by red flags, the colour of tulips, commemorating the thousands who fought and died for their country.

Two hundred thousand men were killed at the front, maimed by landmines and mustard gas dropped by Saddam's brigades; while the number of those disabled by the fighting is approximated at 1.5 million Iranians - the unofficial number of martyrs is whispered to be closer to three hundred thousand.

A man selling Shia Nouhay mourning tapes and books by Ayatollah Behesti, the assassinated founder of the Islamic Republic Party, told me that landmines planted by the Iraqi army have yet to be cleared and even today they bury men killed by the after effects of the war, and so the number of Shaheeds keeps rising and there is little respite from grief at Behesht-e-Zahra.

The graves are marked by elevated steel and glass boxes that contain photographs of the dead. Personal belongings - an old watch, personal letters, a comb - and flowers are propped up against the photographs of the many men killed during the eight years of war. Tombstones, sometimes covering empty graves in cases when the body of the Shaheed is still missing, mark the date and location of the men's death. Masoud Safarlou has no date of death on his tombstone; his body was found in a town called Faiyazi near the Iran-Iraq border; that is all his family knows.

When years are provided, the effect is even more disturbing. Hamid Reza Saiyid was 15 years old when he was killed in 1981. His black and white smiling photograph sits in the glass box above his grave. He has no facial hair in the picture; he was barely even a man. Hamid Reza Saiyid was a boy when he was martyred. Another Shaheed was 17 years old at the time of his death in Boustan, one of the first towns that were directly attacked by the Iraqi Army. Another was 21; he had just completed his military service and was killed on his very first tour of duty. Some of the graves bore photocopied posters asking for the martyr's families to come forward and share their history in an official fashion so that their memory remains alive.

As I walked along the rows of graves a woman in a brown chador offered me a plate of Halwa. "'No one goes hungry in Iran', that was the saying of the Revolution" explained my interpreter Samira. "The mourners at Behesht-e-Zahra will always be fed." We took a spoonful and thanked the woman for her kindness.

Samira told me of the thousands of Iranian soldiers who had disappeared after the war. Three of her father's cousins, young men in their late teens, had volunteered and gone out to fight. Two of them never returned, they were killed. Their family had been told that the third son had also been killed, and though his body hadn't been found, he was given a funeral and a plot in Behesht-e-Zahra. Seven years after the news of his death, he returned home as a prisoner of war. He was alive. He now lives near south of Iran. Those men were not conscripted nor forced into the army due to poverty, they volunteered. "My father, who went to business school in London, also volunteered" shared Samira. "He was at the front for two to three years, he chose to be there. That is why America will not attack Iran today."

Behesht-e-Zahra also bears the bodies of those who died fighting against the Shah during the build-up to the revolution in 1979. The red, white, and green of the Iranian flag are hoisted onto the boxes bearing their photographs. The tombstones in this area are simpler than those of the war Shaheeds. Some are afforded black marble slabs, but most of the dead have their obituaries written on blocks of simple granite, the lettering of their names slowly fading with time.

As we walked carefully between the graves, with little place to tread, a man and his daughter kneeled down by a family member's tombstone. The father took out a handkerchief and cleaned away the dust from the marble with water while his daughter placed fresh flowers in the glass box by a picture of a handsome young man in a white jacket. I said a silent prayer for the generation of children buried before me and we continued on our way.

It was Friday and we followed the road between Tehran and Qom to visit the holy shrine of Imam Khomeini and witness the day's prayers. The mausoleum where the Revolution's spiritual leader is buried is surrounded by, of all things, a small shopping centre. Stores selling nuts, candy, toys and jewellery dotted the landscape and as Samira and I struggled with our full length black chadors we passed by families stocking up on food and refreshments.

The domes of turquoise blue and gold, tiled with 72 tulips, one for each of the 72 people who were attacked with Imam Hossein in Karbala, are surrounded with scaffolds. Heavy construction was underway and we tiptoed gingerly over rocks and wooden planks, passing by an Afghan man and his parrot calling out to those who wanted their fortunes read. Once we removed our shoes we were directed to a security checkpoint where our bags (mine is gargantuan) were placed through an x-ray machine. My set of keys (also gargantuan) rang the alarm and we hurriedly reassured the security woman that my bag and I meant no harm so that we would not miss the commencement of Friday prayers. We entered the shrine just moments after the Muazzin said the Azan and to my astonishment I saw that here both men and women prayed side by side. There was no separation - the men stood on the left and the women on the right, but they prostrated themselves on the same carpet.

Away from the prayers people placed money into Imam Khomeini's shrine and women and men sat on the marble floor and silently read passages from the Holy Qur'aan. Red and green lights strung up to celebrate Eid-ul-Fitr were being replaced by black flags in preparation for Muharram and the 50 or so people present arranged themselves so as not to disrupt the process.

There were picnickers, enjoying a holiday out, and lamenters wailing and sobbing. A grandmother rubbed her palms on the pillars of the Imam's burial site and then vigorously rubbed them onto her grandson's head, whose orange Adidas winter headband slipped with every move of her hands.

The 28th anniversary of the Revolution falls this February, but on this past Friday there was no place for celebrations. The weekend is Iran is over and Muharram is about to start. On Saturday, following a day spent in remembrance, these mourners and believers return to work and life in the city and an unusual calm descends upon these monuments dedicated to the country's past.


Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

These are Strange Times

Tehran is covered with political murals - there are the billboards and posters of the country's many martyrs and the faces of supreme leaders can be found staring down at you from most businesses and government buildings - but it is the art work that is the most politically and aesthetically striking.

On the Chamran highway there is a mint green mural of flowers and the Ayatollah's image. "Our folks are the man of martyrdom and heroism," it reads, a saying from the Ayatollah Khomeini. This is not unusual, in the bazaar you find stores protected by the Imam's words, warning against greed and reminding entrepreneurs of Islam's generosity and simple lifestyle. Next to billboards advertising mobile phones is a poster of a woman in a full chador, holding a baby in one hand and a Kalashnikov in the other. The baby is also holding a gun, a black toy model. The yellow writing under the poster reads something like this: Motherhood is good, but martyrdom is better. The woman and the baby are smiling away proudly. On the building of a local bank is a mural of Mohammad al Durra, his father shielding him with own body as the IDF fired bullets into a crowd of Palestinians, killing the young boy. There was a Hezbollah logo above the mural and a pizza parlour below it.

Perhaps the most fascinating murals are to be found on Taleghani Street on the walls of the former US embassy, heretofore officially referred to as the Den of Espionage. The gates of the compound are remarkably fortified, high walls and spikes protruding outwardly to stop intruders from jumping the wall. Yet somehow 28 years ago, 400 Revolutionary Guards stormed the US embassy and with the Ayatollah's blessings took 52 Americans hostage. For 444 days no one else made it past the embassy gates, nor did anyone else make it out. "Down with USA" written in Farsi and English cushions the main gates of the DoE.

After a conveniently placed bookstore selling tracts on the Revolution is a few hundred feet of political artwork named "The Portrayal of the Great Satan". There are portraits of soldiers walking into battle against Iraq while missiles with 'USA' stamped on them fall onto a map of Iran, silhouettes of Revolutionary protesters shouting the graffitied 'Down with the Shah', the Statue of Lady Liberty with a skull for a face, and most cross culturally - a tableau of Shamsey, traditional Iranian rectangular patterns, with a large pistol bearing the stars and stripes of the American flag superimposed on Iranian's fine art.

While anyone familiar with history, or indeed action movies, would find the DoE's preservation and cultural re-invention completely titillating, there are those in Tehran who simply couldn't care less. While one part of the society is confronted by politics and active engagement in the ongoing processes of the Revolution, the other is holding court at coffeehouses. It is not hard to spot this second stratum of people; there is a glassy eyed indifference to the city's elite (financial elite, not intellectual I should stress) that makes them highly obvious. "What do you think of Tehran?" asked one Canadian/Iranian expat in his early 30s. He didn't actually wait for me to answer, just stubbed out his cigarette and swished around his cafe mocha and answered his own question "It sucks". I disagreed with him, his cellphone buzzing and chirping while I spoke, and he waved to several friends while I was robustly defending my opinions. "Yeah well, I guess you're from Pakistan, so it must be interesting for you," he replied to my poetic half speech, dripping with boredom as he spoke every word. I suppose I couldn't blame the expat for his tired reflection, he had been out partying the night before. And the night before that while on the streets of Tehran the month of Muharram is signalled by Taziyeh processions and the constant drumbeat of marching boys, reminding the citizens that Ashura has come.

I had heard stories of the Comiteh or religious police raiding homes and dragging young partygoers to jail and asked, against better judgment, the Tehranis on the table if they worried about being arrested. A woman with a bouffant hairdo and a headscarf to match her bag giggled and said it was no big deal; she once spent three days in jail after getting busted at a wedding party. "Three days?" it sounded a bit extreme and I wondered what she had been caught doing to deserve that much jail time. She giggled again "No, no, it was that long because it was the weekend and the offices were closed so my parents couldn't bail me out". It really wasn't a big deal, her parents sent her chocolate and fruit and though they were informed that their daughter was not in a hotel, but jail, managed to keep her comfortable until her release. She was arrested again a month later walking out of another wedding party.

Everyone agrees that Iran is a country of contradictions, sometimes absurd ones. A trendy fast food restaurant was set up a few years back called "MacMashallah". It was no McDonalds, but it was pretty popular. American imports are not welcomed into the country, but yet you could go out with friends and order a Mashallah burger while outside the eatery beggars cajoled people into parting with a few Tomans by swirling around Esfand, incense that wards off the evil eye, over their heads. At the Ghaem mall in Tarjish square fashionable Manteaus, or Islamic coats, with Gucci labels are sold on one floor while artists teach miniature painting classes, in the ancient Persian tradition, on another floor.

At a gallery showcasing avant-garde photography a young man asked me how I had spent my time in Tehran. I rattled off the names of journalists I had spoken with and feminists that had inspired and amazed me. He smiled proudly and told me how progressive his country was becoming. What have you seen? He asked, curious that I had seen all the important landmarks and universities that are the seat of Iran's historical activism. I mentioned in passing the shrine of a certain divine leader I had visited and he glazed over, moments after cheering me on. "Oh, I never went there," he yawned, "We call it the place of the Great..." He stopped and smiled, I knew what he was going to say next and I gasped. It seemed a brazen borrowing of language. "It's no big deal," he continued, "We say what we want here". In Iran language is continually rejected and then reappropriated, histories dismissed and then vigorously defended, ideologies voted for then abruptly abandoned. It is a country of schizophrenic identities and bipolar politics, and I mean this in the best way possible. Women hold high government positions but are warned that smoking in public might get them punished by the police. How do you navigate between these very thin lines? You don't, say most Iranians, rather you embrace both. "Hazard not a thought: these are strange times, my dear" wrote Ahmed Shamlu, the modernist poet jailed both under the Shah and the supreme leaders of the Revolution. Indeed they are.



Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

Tehran, a city of surprises

I began my day in Tehran on the subway. The Tehran Metro is, if you will pardon my overzealous language, an absolute wonder. Situated in central parts of the city, it runs on three lines. I bought a ticket on the Imam Khomeini line, the red line, and queued up with Tehranis on their way to work at the Hafte Tir station to embark on some sightseeing.

"Do we have to sit in the women's only cabins?" I asked my interpreter Samira as we waited on the platform equipped with TV screens announcing the arrival of the next trains. She waved her hands, "If you like". The grey subway announced its arrival with some music, which was conveniently replayed at every single stop accompanied by the station's name. We hopped on and I felt like I was on the London tube. Samira had to push me off the subway; I was quite willing to hang on to my seat for the rest of the day.

We walked to Sarkis Cathedral on Karim Khan-e-Zand Street, an Armenian Orthodox church built in the late 1960s. Unlike the gothic churches hidden away in Saddar and under heavy Ranger protection, Sarkis Cathedral was a prominent landmark in Tehran. It is said to be the most visible non-Islamic building in the city; just in case you miss it, across the street painted on a large building is a mural of the Virgin Mary holding the baby Jesus in her arms, angels sprinkled around their halos. I asked Samira (whose name is pronounced saam-ee-raah, which I kept butchering by not properly elongating my vowels) if religious minorities felt safe practicing their religion in an Islamic Republic. "They are the same as all of us, they speak Farsi, we look the same, we have the same names - there's no way of telling us apart". "Except that they speak Armenian" I ventured. Samira waved her hands again. She spoke a little Armenian too.

There is so much to discover in this megalopolis of 14 million people; it even makes Karachi look quaint and small. The landscape of Iran is said to have been continuously inhabited by a single nation of people longer than any other part of land the world over. Single nation of people sounds difficult to stomach in an age where nationalism, identity, and ethnicity dominate much of our politics, but Aryans aside, Iran is home to Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Lors (said to be descendants of those single nation people) and Balochis. Safak Pavey, a Turkish woman who heads the United Nations High Commission for Refugee's external relations office, told me that in the early 1990s, after the Gulf War (part one) Iran was home to 4.5 millions refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan. "Iran should receive thanks for that; can you imagine a European country giving 4.5 million refugees asylum?" While the number of Iraqis and Afghani refugees is slowly decreasing with repatriation projects UNHCR and the Iranian government are initiating, Iran remains a veritable melting pot. Tehran itself is composed of a diverse and unusual mix of ethnicities, nationalities, and religions and those people -including Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians - live safely and comfortably alongside Muslims and have done so for thousands of years. In Tarjish Square there is even a Little Pakistan where immigrants have set up a small bazaar of Pakistani made textiles, embroideries, and shoes. What can't you find in Tehran?

My rigorous sightseeing program continued with a stop at the Sa'd Abad Palace, once a summer home for the last Pahlevi Shah. It was a summer home the size of Malir and everything inside, except for the carpets, was French. Marie Antoinette looks down at you from every lamp, every table top, and every chest of drawers. It was a bit much. We toured the offices where Pahlevi senior is said to have plotted the CIA sponsored coup against the populist and democratically elected Mohammad Mossadegh, who nationalized Iran's oil, took photographs by the boots of Pahlevi junior's statue (the only remaining part, it was cemented to the ground and couldn't be torn off with the rest of his monstrous bronze image) and marveled at the fully equipped dentist's chair installed in the Shah's Niyavaran Palace, feet away from his bedroom, just in case such an emergency would arise. It's a miracle the Pahlevis left in one piece, so opulent was their grandeur.

I met with Mitra, a journalist, later in the day still disturbed by the ostentatious lifestyle of Iran's monarchs. How can these two very extreme histories, Western and Islamic, exist in one country? "Look," she explained "Instead of instinctively bashing the post revolutionary period, we should be able to acknowledge the positive gains brought by the Revolution. The Revolution helped spur on today's feminist movement - in the Shah's days only affluent families would send their daughters to universities for higher education. The poorer classes did not. This," she gestured tugging at her head scarf "made it more acceptable for women to attend large co-ed universities and pursue higher learning. It doesn't have to be celebrated - it's not an ideal situation - but it needs to be acknowledged. Today 65% of university students in Iran are women".

Mitra is an elegant and professional woman, the weekend before Muharram she was wearing red; I wouldn't have pegged her as having Revolutionary sympathies. And she didn't necessarily, but like most Iranians she was willing to balance the difficult and sometimes frustrating changes of the Revolution with its benefits. It is impossible to essentialize in Iran, impossible to paint things black or white - or red - there are so many facets to life in this country. Those diametric opposites do share the same space in Iran and its people, and perhaps Mitra, are examples of its dynamism.

Mitra continued "Did you know that at government health centers you can receive free contraceptives? Or that the topic of birth control is spoken about openly?" I didn't. Women in mosques are permitted to discuss reproductive rights, there are no taboos surrounding it, and in recent years counseling dealing with sexual and physical health has become compulsory for couples before marriage. Before receiving a marriage license, couples have to attend not only a counseling session but must also pass a university class centering on sexual health, HIV, and addiction.

There was more that deserved acknowledgement and I struggled to write as quickly as Mitra continued down the list. Government health centers are setting up rehabilitation centers for the country's large number of heroin addicts, even offering needle exchanges and methadone doses to those in need. Female circumcision was banned by Khameini years ago, and while practiced dangerously in neighboring African and Arab countries, it is virtually non-existent in Iran.

Religious minorities now receive the same amount of blood money in the case of bereavement that Muslims do, whereas before the Revolution they were only offered half the amount that Muslims could claim.

Mitra told me incredulously that sex change operations are legal in Iran. Though the procedures are sanctioned as a way of warding off homosexuality, a major crime in the country, it was the Imam Khomeini who gave his approval to gender reassignment while in exile in Iraq. This was light-years before the very topic became acceptable, and even fashionable, in Western countries. If Mitra and I had not spent the previous hour discussing the freedom of the press and Marxist blogs (very popular in Iran) I would have thought I was being taken for a ride. Even my liberal bearings could not absorb this last piece of information. "You can't be serious" I said, half expecting her to tell me she was just having a go at a foreign journalist for fun. "No, I am absolutely serious" Mitra insisted, amused at my look of utter disbelief. After medical and psychological evaluations, he or she is given a temporary permit which allows them to dress as the gender they will soon become without any fear of punishment. "Once the operation is done, sometimes in government hospitals, he or she can legally get married and live officially as the gender they have chosen for themselves". Gender reassignment is not as openly discussed as birth control, Mitra went on, ignoring my stumped look, but you can see interviews with such people in the newspapers and even advertisements sometimes. Does any of this happen in Pakistan? She reasonably asked since I hadn't stopped talking about Iran and Pakistan's similarities from the moment we sat down. "Not exactly..."

Before Mitra and I parted ways I thanked her for her time and for opening up new windows to Iran for me. Every hour spent in Tehran is an education; ideas are debated freely and openly, past and present shared without prejudice, politics and gender reassignment equal fodder for conversation.

This is so much more than the Iran of my imagination. I cannot wait for tomorrow's lesson.



Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

Welcome to Tehran

After a pleasant Iran Air flight I landed at Mehrabad International Airport. A sign greeted me: Welcome to Tehran, Fati. I am not a nervous flier, but I am a nervous traveler. As I walked towards the departure gate at Karachi's Jinnah airport, my mother kissed me and sensing my apprehension at the journey ahead held my face and said, "You're going to your country, safe travels". She was not wrong. As I sat in the taxi and drove off towards North Tehran, I felt wholly at home. The foothills of the Alborz mountains were laced with snow, but there was a warmth in Tehran I could not have imagined.

A man on the road held out two pomegranates in his palms, one was sliced open. He shouted out the price for a piece of fruit. Cars slowed down to bargain with the pomegranate seller and I looked at my taxi driver, trying to find a common language in which to ask why this man was selling only what he could hold in his hand. The taxi driver nodded his head and pointed a few feet ahead of the pomegranate man - there were families sitting by the road, on the hoods of their cars, eating pomegranate and drinking tea. There was a truck full of the fruit parked by the picnickers. The taxi driver nodded again towards the truck, "For you?" he asked. I put my hand to my heart and shook my head, touched, "no thank you."

We drove on in silence until we passed Azadi Monument, built in 1971 to commemorate the 2500th anniversary of the Persian Empire. "Azadi" he pointed, and just as he did, a couple – a young man and woman - crossed the street holding hands and leaning against each other affectionately. "Azadi" I repeated. Freedom.

Let me say what most people must be wondering: I've been in Iran for six hours now and I have barely registered that I am wearing a Hijab. Actually, I barely am. In my overeager desire to fully ingratiate myself into Iranian society I have made myself the most covered person in this city. Women are everywhere, their hair visible save for a swath of fabric covering their ears. With every woman I saw on the streets of Tehran, looking nothing like the stereotypical image of Iranian women beloved by the Western media (oppressed, miserable, suffocating in her gender, you know the type) I promised myself I would never ever believe what I saw on CNN again. I say this quite often, CNN is a major thorn in my side, but I really mean it this time. In fact the day I arrived the front page of the Iran News had a photograph from a national fashion show held in the city. It was quite a photograph.

In the evening, a mere hour and a half after landing I met a dear family friend - Rana Amini, Iran's envoy to the World Health Organization (and also, you'll notice, a woman, and a formidable one at that) along with her husband and their friends. We drove through the busy streets of Vali Asr and I leaned forward and told her that I was slightly worried about coming to Iran at this particular time. With every passing day it seems like Washington is gearing up for another misadventure in Iran. "Attack on Iran before April?" asked the Arab Times. Maybe. Robert Gates, the US Defence Secretary, didn't hint at whether a springtime offensive would be agreeable or not but angrily insisted that America had no time for diplomatic talks with Iran, but had plenty of time for military moves in the Persian Gulf. A Patriot missile battalion and aircraft carrier had been deployed to the Gulf because "the Iranians are acting in a very negative way" he said. Personally, I find Patriot missile battalions negative. Secretary Gates apparently does not. President Ahmadinejad, in Nicaragua on a Latin American tour, commented on the speculation with his usual flair "They well know the power of the Iranian people. I don't think they would ever dare to attack us...They won't do such a stupid thing". I needed to be further reassured.

"Do you think America will attack Iran?" I asked my hosts. "No." "NO." There was no pause. I leaned further forward, waiting to hear why not. "Our border with the United States is closer than theirs to Canada," Khale Rana said "We're surrounded by the Americans in Iraq, Afghanistan, Turkey..." pause. I hated to say it, but I knew it had to be said "Pakistan" I added. My hosts nodded.

I left the thought of war as we sat down to dinner. Joined by another associate from the World Health Organization's Iran office, a young woman named Shima, we spoke of matters our countries had in common. We spoke of the brain drain that both Iran and Pakistan are obligingly familiar with. I asked Shima, who is not older than I am, why she never left Iran and never added to the mounting brain drain. "I did think about it at times," she said "but Iran for me is..." she struggled to find the right word, her fingers moving against her hands thump thump thump "it's...love". A heartbeat. "I could have gone and gotten a job abroad, but when you gain one thing you often lose another and I never wanted to lose that love". We spoke of our shared experience of disaster - the Bam earthquake ravaged Iran in 2003, two years before our own landscape tore from underneath us. I told my hosts about the amazing spirit of the Pakistani people at a time of unfathomable crisis and they nodded knowingly. "After the Bam earthquake people lined up on the streets of Tehran to donate blood, it was true solidarity". Yes, that was what I had come here to offer and to see: solidarity. I had come to be with the Iranian people - to see how they live, how they survived, and how they triumphed against many, many odds. This is the heartland. We spoke of Lebanon and how ordinary people lost their homes and their families to the banality of war. I couldn't help it, I asked again - aren't you worried? No came the resounding reply. Khale Rana, a truly generous and kind woman, told me how she had studied at Tehran University after the Revolution, how she had lived through Saddam Hussein's vicious bombings of civilian neighborhoods during the carnage of the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, how she worked to promote sustainable health and development under consistent US sanctions and I felt a shiver in my spine. This was not mere survival; this was courage, the noblest kind. And it was Iranian in nature. "Why did you never leave?" I asked. Music had started playing around us. A group of five musicians, playing the Tar, the Kamonche, and the Daf a large drum- cum- tambourine made of deerskin, had taken the stage and the room swelled with that ecstatic warmth again. "I've travelled to many places, I've been to Europe, I've had the chance, but this is my country" she said. "When I go to a newsstand to buy my newspaper, those magazines and those words are mine. When I hear music like this," she gestured to the booming Tabla beat "it's mine. I grew up hearing it since I was a young girl. This is my country and I love it".

Welcome to Tehran.

Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

Tehran or bust: A hundred beats Part 1

I woke up early this past Monday morning and sat down to read the newspapers only to be greeted by an ominous and worrying headline: "Israel plans nuclear strike on Iran". It was worrying for many reasons; first of all because the unrelentingly belligerent Israeli government is said to be mulling over plans to send laser guided bombs, followed by your conventional nuclear warheads, into the country west of our border and secondly because I am supposed to be traveling to that country west of our border rather soon. Israeli government spokespeople refused to comment on the story printed in England's Sunday Times while Iranian officials made sure the Zionist state was aware that they would rue the day they messed with Iran. Good planning Fati, said friends bemused at my serendipitous bad timing, where are you planning on going next -- Mosul? Mogadishu? Not enough action for you here in Karachi?

Very funny.

I had, along with my editor, been planning a trip to Iran for three months now. In October I poured over any and every book I could get my hands on earmarking pages and underlining passages. I read good books on Iran --Shirin Ebadi's biography, Marjane Satrapi's graphic novels, and Hamid Dabashi's work on Iranian cinema were my favorites. I also read some bad books on Iran, Afar Nafisi's 'Reading Lolita in Tehran ' being at the top of that list.

In November I filled out a visa form and giddily answered the business or pleasure section: neither! Journalism! My enthusiasm was not matched a hundred per cent. Journalism you say, ah, we'll see.

It took me almost two months to get a visa. Though the people at the Iranian consulate were exceedingly kind, helpful, and patient with me (I ask a lot of questions, my editor will confirm this) there were a few instances when I wished I had just answered pleasure. A fact checking phone call with a visa official in December was one of those moments. "Who will you be writing for?" I was asked. "The News and Daily Jang". "How long have you been writing for them?" "Since July" I answered, again chipper. "And what is your media experience?" I paused for a moment. My media experience? I wanted to say that I'm a big fan and read up to five newspapers a day along with following regular TV broadcasts but wisely didn't. "I have been writing a weekly column for several months now and my articles from Lebanon, where I covered the recent Israeli invasion this past summer, were picked up by a variety of English, Urdu, and Sindhi papers," I replied. No answer from the other side, I could hear him breathing. "And I have published two books, one of which was released just months ago and is printed in both English and Urdu," I rambled on quickly. I was certain that last bit of information would seal the deal. "That's it?" came the disappointed reply. I felt slightly wounded. I was about say "I'm only 24." in a sad voice when I heard him clear his throat and announce that he would get back to me in a week's time. Before he shut the phone I managed to fit in that I majored in Middle Eastern languages and cultures as an undergrad, which I thought might help.

"Ok".

That's all I got.

I might not be a media superstar, but I am going to go to Tehran regardless. Undeterred, I went to take my visa photo, for which I had to wear a full hijab. The photographer, eager to do his job perfectly, insisted I pull the hijab down to my eyebrows before he would snap the picture. I did and smiled. 'Don't smile' he said, peering out from under his camera. I compromised and half smiled. I couldn't help it - I was terribly excited.

I grew up hearing the beautiful lilt of Farsi spoken by my grandmother, Nusrat. I called her Joonam, or 'my life' in Farsi. Joonam would talk to me about Isfahan the central Iranian city her family hailed from. ' Isfahan, nasf-e-jahan' they say. Isfahan, the soul of the world.

Joonam fed me gaz, Persian nougat candy, when I was good and made me fisin jun, a chicken dish with pomegranate sauce, alongside pulao with cherries and burnt rice on top when I was very, very good. I haven't seen my Joonam for nine years now, she is kept away in Dubai and my brother Zulfikar and I are strictly banned by her keepers from seeing her, but my memory is so fused with things Iranian from time spent with my grandmother that just the mention of her country makes my heart skip a few beats.

Eating yellow foods on Nowruz or Persian New Years in March, looking at grainy photographs of the beautiful blue and white shrines in Shiraz and Isfahan, listening to Googoosh's music -- an Iranian Madame Noor Jehan, if you will -- with Joonam in her bedroom as a child, music that I would not hear again until college when my best friend Cyrus played me songs by Morteza and Darius. He would play them when we were on the phone and we would stop talking to listen to the music. I would feel sad sometimes after hearing those pained and tender songs that reminded me of the music my Joonam must have loved. It courses through your veins, Cyrus would say to me.

It does.

It is to my Joonam's Iran that I am traveling. To the land of these memories, sounds, and flavors.

In my imagination, and in fact in reality, Iran is so many glorious things all at once. It is spiritual and radical, political and artistic, orthodox and vibrant; it is complex to say the least. I couldn't possibly sum it up in one pithy sentence, so let me turn back to that Monday's newspaper. Besides that dreadfully jingoistic headline were the following ones: 'Iran to cooperate with IAEA', 'Iranian gas deals with Pakistan held up by bureaucracy' (any bets on whose bureaucracy they're talking about?), 'Iran arrests 'Sunni militants'', 'Iranian man flogged in public', 'Khamenei in good health', 'US tries to block development of Iranian oil fields' and most colorfully 'She was a he: Iranian man wants divorce'. And that's just one day's worth of stories.

It's going to be an amazing journey.

I do not have a place to stay yet and I'm not so certain that I've been booked on a flight. But I'm going to Tehran. Try and stop me.

Note: This article was first published by Pakistan's The News International

Monday, October 12, 2009

Ubud Obama and Dissent Event

I tried to take each event, though, for what it was and in that, there was some amazing stuff. The event that was the most interesting was called "Obama and Dissent" One of the panelists was Fatima Bhutto who is the most intelligent, amazing, beautiful woman I have ever been in the presence of (except you mom...) It was a really astounding discussion, especially being one of the only Americans in the audience. Two of the three speakers were not so ecstatic over Obama (to put it nicely) and rightly so. Despite all his talk of inclusive politics and freedom he really has done little, especially oversees. He has sent more troops in, and to Afghanistan*, where Fatima is from.

This is not what we were promised, and as unfair and a huge weight that it may be, when we elected Obama we seem to have elected him for the world, not just the US. People are expecting him to be what he promised, for him to live up to all we were fed during the "Obama-madness" as Fatima put it, and yet that is not what we have gotten, and people need to realize that this man is human. Many people in the audience urged that we give him more time, and I agree that we can't expect things to have turned around yet. I agree completely with this (except the person who said that he can't because he needs to get re-elected first. Wouldn't it be great if we could just re-elect him based on what kind of job he does? Wouldn't this be a better use of his time?) and yet I also agree that time continues to march on. As Fatima said, "We can not let our patience turn into complacency." Yup.

Source:http://balibecca.blogspot.com

*Fanclub note-Fatima is from Pakistan; she was born in Kabul, Afghanistan.

Ubud Festival a success, despite funding cuts

The Jakarta Post

A garden party at the Antonio Blanco's Renaissance Museum featuring music performances marked the end of this year's Ubud Writers and Readers Festival on Sunday night.

Attendees at the closing party enjoyed the performance of students from state high school SMA 1 Ubud playing Balinese gamelan and performing a choir.

They played several foreign and Indonesian songs in collaboration with an ensemble group from Al-Izhar High School of Jakarta. The Saharaja Band concluded the stage performance.

Despite a 60-percent decrease in the number of sponsorships, coupled with the global economic downturn and the July bombings of JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta, the four-day literary festival this year was a marvellous success, according to the organizing committee.

There was apparently an increase in the number of participants, as well as in the involvement of Indonesian writers in this year's festival, themed Compassion and Solidarity.

Literary critic Melani Budianta, who chaired some of the festival's discussions, said the event was disorganized compared to last year's, citing cancelled sessions and a changed schedule.

"In some discussions, there was mismatch between themes and speakers. The organizers should have better considered the selection of speakers and themes."

However, she acknowledged that this year's festival had managed to engage more Indonesian writers.

The last day of the festival saw much-anticipated special events, particularly the sold-out ticketed Literary Lunch session with Fatima Bhutto, niece of the assassinated former Pakistan Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.

The author of Whispers of the Desert shared her colorful life as a writer, journalist, politician-in-training and heir-apparent to Benazir's throne during a talk with journalist-cum-writer Desi Anwar.

In an evening session titled "Into the Muse: where poetry merges with melody", literary enthusiasts explored the soulful sounds of Daphne Tse's musical creations interspersed with the poetic musings of multi-faceted artist John O'Sullivan.

Three books were launched on the last day of the festival.

Bocah Muslim di Negeri James Bond (A Muslim Boy in James Bond's Country), the Indonesian translation of Unimagined authored by Imran Ahmad, was about a Pakistan-born Muslim boy who moves to London and grows up torn between his Islamic identity and his desire to embrace the West.

The other two were Inspector Singh investigates: A Bali Conspiracy Most Foul by Shamini Flint and a collection of short stories titled Ox-tales.

Sunday, October 11, 2009

Literary Event Update via Twitter

desianwar @FBfanclub Fatima Bhutto and I had indepth discussion on her life/writings at literary lunch during Ubud Writer's Festival in Bali, today.


Today's Literary Lunch With FB (picture update)

Credit :http://twitter.com/desianwar

Saturday, October 10, 2009

Pakistanis Favour the GOP

OffTheBus recently caught up with Fatima Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto's niece, whose father died under questionable circumstances at the hands of the police force under her aunt's rule.



Fatima Bhutto is 25-years-old, a newspaper columnist/author and, in the eyes of many, the crown princess of Pakistan's most powerful political dynasty. She is the granddaughter of the late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan's wildly popular former prime minister (who was hanged after a military takeover by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq). Fatima is also the niece of Benazir Bhutto, the county's past and would-be future prime minister.

Aunt Benazir is back under house arrest again and calling for Musharraf to quit. Yet, when Fatima talked to me from Karachi, she had a lot to say about her aunt's extravagant political gamesmanship, about how Pakistanis will react if the U.S. attacks Iran, about which American presidential candidate looks like a winner from a Pakistani standpoint---and which Dem she personally wants to see win. [Hint: It's not Hillary].

OffTheBus: How has the Bush Administration affected Pakistani politics?

Fatima Bhutto: A lot. Musharraf has been fighting the war on terror for the Bush White House, as if it was his own, and so he's brought it to our doorstep. Prior to 9/11 and the war on terror, the religious parties in Pakistan really had no ground support. Out of 400 seats in parliament, they would take maybe four or five. They would never break double digits. But after 9/11, and after opening up our borders to American forces, and launching airstrikes, the religious right has tripled or quadrupled their support. Instead of getting four seats, they get 15 or 20 seats. And now we have a civil war going on in the northern part of our country.

OffTheBus: As you know, the US will elect a new president. Do Pakistanis pay much attention to American politics? And if so, who would they like to see in office?

FB: Actually, Pakistanis follow American elections very closely, because they affect us so much. But, if you ask most Pakistanis, they believe earnestly that Republicans are the best, because they'll give us a lot of money, aide and weapons. The average person forgets that, in return, we have to do the American's dirty work for them. I think what a lot of people are most upset about is right now is that Americans are threatening to cut aid. The average Pakistani doesn't think about what we have to do to get that money.

OffTheBus; What about you? Who do you like?

FB: I have to say I like Obama a lot. His record is the best. He's always been vocal about his opposition to the war in Iraq. And he's speaking out against the Patriot Act. Frankly, he seems very good in a lot of ways. Whereas with Hillary, if you look at her record, it doesn't support what she says now. If I could vote in the American elections, Obama would get my vote.

But even Obama has come out and said, if necessary, we will attack Pakistan. They've all said that -- Republicans and Democrats. So Pakistanis feel the safest bet is the Republicans, because they will fund us and give us those F-16s that we paid for and never got. As, for the religious parties, they like the neocons because they lose a lot of their dynamism if they have no one to go up against. For them, the neocons are perfect.

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To understand the magnetic force the name "Bhutto" conjures in Pakistan, imagine the Kennedys, the Clintons and the entire Bush clan all rolled into one -- with added doses of tragedy, corruption and political intrigue. It's important to know that Fatima's father, Murtaza Bhutto, was an opposition member of parliament when older sister Benazir was last in power, and that he died in a hail of bullets under still-cloudy circumstances at the hands of the police force under his sister's rule. Then later, Benazir retreated into exile amid big-money corruption charges that Musharraf has recently agreed to drop.

You also need to know that Columbia-educated Fatima is widely expected to leap into politics herself. But, if and when she ever does, it will assuredly not be under her aunt's Pakistani People's Party banner.
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OffTheBus: A lot of people have called for you to run for public office? Are you seriously considering it?

FB: Well, I don't believe my name automatically qualifies me, or makes me the best person. In a country like Pakistan where is politics is often an art form of the elite, and it's often very dynastic, it's hard to explain to people why I don't think it's a birthright. But no, I'm not going to run for elections this January or February whenever Musharraf claims its going to happen. I'd only do it if I felt I could make a positive difference. But, I feel like writing is best for now.

OffTheBus: And in the future?

FB: I'm very political in my writing. And I'm politically active in other ways. I think we can build democracy in Pakistan. But it will take time. And it will be a Pakistani democracy. Not one that's imposed by....someone else.

OffTheBus: Speaking of political impositions, how would Pakistanis react if Bush were to attack Iran?

FB: I think it would be catastrophic. If our government sides with an American attack on Iran, that'll be it. The Pakistani people have great sympathy for the Iranian people. We don't think we're anything like the Afghans. We don't think we're like the Iraqis, really either. But Pakistanis and Iranians have a connection. Urdu is very much like Farsi. It's practically the same language.

I visited Iran last January. And I asked Iranians what they would do if there was an American strike. And they said, "We'd strike America back." I asked how they could do that. And they said, "Don't you realize, we'll strike them in Afghanistan, we'll strike them in Iraq, and we'll strike them in Pakistan." Really, it would be catastrophic.

OffTheBus: Now that your aunt's again under house arrest, and has ratcheted up her calls for General Musharraf to step down, the media is reporting that the Bush-brokered power sharing deal between her and the general is now off.

FB: A lot of this is theater. Actually, it seems very much still on. Her corruption cases remain withdrawn -- as per the arrangements of the deal. all her supporters and her party members are allowed into the compound with her. She addresses her supporters outside through a megaphone. And she is granted amazing access to the media here, while other political parties have been given a blanket ban. If they want to hold a press conference they're not allowed. Only the Islamic party is given similar freedoms. And it isn't Benazir's supporters getting arrested by the thousands. It's the lawyers who have been charged with treason, and the journalists.

OffTheBus: So why her latest surge in rhetoric?

FB: I think she's in a tight spot. Her party supporters want her to come out more directly against Musharraf and she's flip flopped. It seems, though, that Musharraf's camp is tiring of her. One of his cabinet members just gave a statement saying she is the least suitable candidate for Prime Minister. But then again they never wanted her in the first place. She was forced upon them by the White House.

It's a murky situation here. Unfortunately it only gets murkier by the minute.

OffTheBus: Ever since emergency rule was declared, much of the media has been shut down. So how is everyone managing to get news?

FB: Well, this is the 13th emergency that's been declared in Pakistan's sixty-year history. So we pretty much know the drill. But the media has suffered tremendously since this emergency. The journalistic community was accused of betraying the country. A media law was passed almost immediately, which states that broadcasters can no longer give opinions about Pakistan. No live scenes of conflict can be aired on TV anymore. Now, we no longer know who is protesting, who is in danger. Stations can be shut down at any time. No foreign airtime is allowed. So we don't have CNN or the BBC anymore... And we can't even get podcasts. We're proud of the fact that we're part of the information age. Cutting that off has jolted people, especially the young people.

OffTheBus: Okay, then what methods do you use to get the word out?

FB: They haven't been able to block our email providers like Hotmail. Blogs are also very useful for notifications about protests and arrests. And we get a lot of news from text messaging. The government thought that this media blackout would deprive us of the news, but somehow we're very resourceful people.

OffTheBus: You lost your father when you were fourteen years old....

FB: Yes. He was assassinated in a very violent way. We read about assassination squads in the paper every day. Violence is so cheap in Pakistan. But when it happens to your father, you have a different stake in it. He was killed right outside our house. And I went to the hospital so I saw him in that... state. I don't know that we'll ever get justice in my father's case. Too many people have too much to lose.

OffTheBus: Were you close to your father?

FB: I was very, very close to my father. My biological mother and he were divorced when I was very young. And he didn't marry my stepmother -- who is really my mother --until years later. So my father raised me as a single parent until I was almost seven. So we were sort of bachelors in exile. It was my father who brushed my hair, and took me to school and did my homework with me. It was very progressive, I think. He was the first one to notice that I enjoyed writing. He gave me the foundation that I stand on now. He was the best.

OffTheBus: When it comes to writers, who are you heroes?

FB: Robert Fisk. I remember reading his book when I was eighteen and going off to college, and thinking, I want to be like him and be a journalist. Seymour Hersh. He's another person. My favorite poet is T.S. Elliott. I love writers from the Jazz Age. I love Fitzgerald. I'm a very proud bookworm. I just read The History of Love by Nicole Krauss. It's beautiful, beautiful writing.

OffTheBus: You're very critical of both the Musharraf government, and of your aunt. Are you ever fearful about your own safety?

FB: Well, yes... I've been very vocal in my columns, and sometimes I've been told, "You could be hurt if you're not careful." But it always comes in the form or a friendly warning and not a direct threat. (pause) But I take precautions.

Source:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/