Join us to Seek Justice for Mir Murtaza Bhutto

Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Beautiful Fatima and her London launch

You are beautiful,” journalist-turned-novelist Henry Porter compliments Fatima Bhutto by way of opening his on-stage interview with her in London.

Fatima, who will be 28 next month, also laughs easily and has a sense of humour which accentuate the Bhutto glamour.
After her tour of India, Fatima has come to the UK to publicise Songs of Blood and Sword.

“It strikes me you are much older for your age and that is because you have lived a very varied life,” adds Porter.
Fatima appears prepared for all likely questions, principal among them being, “Was your aunt, Benazir, responsible for the murder of your father, Murtaza?”

The answer, according to Fatima, is yes, Benazir did authorise her brother’s assassination on a dark night in Karachi on September 20, 1996, and her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, was also complicit in the killing.

Compared with India, what is different about Britain is that the audiences here contain a significant proportion of Pakistanis who desire an audience with the Bhutto princess. They want to know her policy on this, that and the other. How will she go about getting justice for her father’s murder?

“This is what I am doing for justice,” she replies, pointing to her book.

Fatima makes it clear she is a “struggling journalist” who will keep the money from the book sales and that she has no intention of going into politics.

“I tried to be very open and honest in the book — and so that should automatically disqualify me from any politics,” she quips.

The book cover emphasises that Fatima is “Granddaughter to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, executed 1979; Niece to Shahnawaz Bhutto, murdered 1985; Daughter of Mir Murtaza Bhutto, assassinated 1996; Niece to Benazir Bhutto, assassinated 2007.”

“I have no intention of being the fifth member on that list at all,” she declares.

When a Bangladeshi introduces himself as coming “from the enemy camp”, Fatima’s little joke produces laughter and applause: “When you said you were from the ‘enemy camp’ I thought you were going to say you are an aide of Asif Zardari.”




Source: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100418/jsp/7days/story_12351092.jsp

Nation on the verge of a nervous breakdown by Fatima Bhutto

The floods destroying Pakistan’s infrastructure are against a backdrop of corruption, impunity at the highest levels of political life and meaningless independence.



This is the month of Pakistan's birth, the month that a generation once claimed for freedom and liberty. But on 14 August, its 63rd birthday, Pakistan was submerged. There was no fanfare as on previous anniversaries - no noisy street festivals marked by flag-waving and family outings, no young men on motorcycles paying homage to national monuments and shouting slogans into the open air, little celebratory music on state television. Instead, there were vigils, quiet remembrances and a solemn accounting of what has been one of Pakistan's most turbulent years since its proud but bloody inception.
According to the UN, the flooding has affected more than 14 million people, making it Pakistan's worst ever natural disaster. The government claims 20 million people - roughly 12 per cent of the population - have been affected. As I write, six million people are in desperate need of food aid, more than three million children are at risk of contracting fatal waterborne diseases, and millions more are displaced. Over two million acres of agricultural land have been ravaged. With the monsoon season still upon us, Pakistan's food belt, Punjab and Sindh Provinces, has been hit especially hard.
As the country suffered, the entire top echelon of the Pakistani state - led by the rapacious president, Asif Ali Zardari - embarked on a tour of Europe. First up was a visit to France: a handshake with the Sarkozys and then a jaunt to the president's private chateau. London was next, and the itinerary barely unchanged - handshake, swanning around, photo opportunities at stately houses. When asked by the BBC why he had abandoned his country as floods raged from the northernmost province to the southern tip of Pakistan, Zardari cleared his throat and replied that parliament was in session and that he, as a munificent democrat, had empowered others to deal with the dis aster; the prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, was on duty.
But even the city of Birmingham was not far enough away from Pakistan to protect Zardari from outrage at his feckless rule, as an old man, a supporter of his own party, lobbed two shoes at the president while he was addressing a crowd of British Pakistanis. Zardari's machine was quick to block reports of the attack appearing on Pakistani television channels and to restrict access to websites that carried accounts of how the shoe went flying towards the ducking president.
Back home in Pakistan, a scandal grew over parliamentarians who had fudged paperwork to claim that they possessed academic degrees - once a condition of participation in provincial or national politics. So far, of the 47 MPs shown to have bogus degrees, the largest number of offenders came from the president's Pakistan Peoples Party. One of its coalition partners, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), had almost as many.
In the southern city of Karachi, meanwhile, human rights groups estimate that roughly 300 politicians and political activists have been murdered this year. In the first week of August, Raza Haider, a Sindh assembly member for the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (another coalition partner), was gunned down at a mosque. Since then, more than 50 people have been killed and another hundred-plus wounded in ethnic and partisan attacks. The response of the state, through the unelected minister of the interior, Rehman Malik, was to empower Karachi's elite Rangers squad with "shoot on sight" orders. More blood to quell the bloodletting.

The disasters pile up


There is worse. This year alone, Barack Obama's White House has sanctioned 70 Predator drone attacks on the north of the country, with one suspected attack ordered while the floods raged, killing 12 people. The Pakistani state, eager to be as willing an ally as possible without adding 49 stars to the national flag, has allowed the US to kill and maim from on high, resulting in the deaths of more than 200 unnamed, unindicted and unconvicted Pakistani citizens.
In the past month, Pakistan has also suffered its deadliest civil aviation disaster. A commercial airliner crashed in the Margalla Hills north of the capital, Islamabad, killing all 152 passengers on board. Families were distraught when the interior minister appeared on television to announce the surprise discovery of five female survivors of the crash only to return and admit that he had made a mistake.
As the disasters pile up, Lieutenant General Nadeem Ahmed, chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority, has estimated it will cost as much as £38m to fix the damage from the floods to highway infrastructure. Half that amount would be required for dam repair and maintenance. But the nation's coffers are empty. The hobgoblins at the helm of Pakistan's teetering state fail to remember the words of our founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, to those who would build Pakistan from nothing, raising a new nation out of centuries of colonial rule and violence: "I may tell you that unless you get this into your blood, unless you are prepared to take off your coats and are willing to sacrifice all that you can and work selflessly, earnestly and sincerely for your people, you will never realise your aim."
These floods are the cost of Pakistan's endemic corruption and political malfeasance. The vast numbers of people affected by the disaster multiply every day. They join the millions of other forgotten Pakistanis living in fear, hunger and homelessness.
This year, we marked our birth in silence.

Tuesday, August 24, 2010

Fatima Bhutto: How the War on Terror is Hurting Flood-Weary Pakistanis


As Pakistan’s floods continue to rage, there seems to be no respite from the natural disaster compounded by poor infrastructure, corrupt and inept leadership and what Amnesty International USA is calling a ‘crisis of empathy.’
This weekend, Pakistan’s government assured Washington that our nation’s troops charged with aiding the War on Terror effort in the northern parts of the country would not be redeployed to bolster the relief effort as estimates now place the number of affected Pakistanis at twenty million.
One-fifth of our land is submerged, upwards of two million acres of land in Pakistan’s food belt destroyed, thousands of livestock and the threat of a cholera epidemic looming. The UN estimates that 3.5 million children are at risk of contracting fatal water borne diseases, such as dysentery and diarrhea; the World Heath Organization places the number of at risk children at six million.
In the southern city of Sukkar alone, four million people have been displaced and the agricultural southern province of Sindh has been described as the worst hit area. Pakistan has grappled with food inflation for the past three years; as food prices rise sharply and the summer’s crop is destroyed by the waters, millions of Pakistanis are in desperate need of food aid.
Five hundred thousand pregnant women, conservative estimates say, are among the most desperate of flood survivors.
Merlin USA provides medical relief work and has operated across Pakistan, including the tribal regions, since 2005. Merlin provides emergency health care, mobile medical units and antenatal care and also works in Sudan, Haiti, and Afghanistan. Please visit their site site and give what you can.
Copyright 2010 Fatima Bhutto

Saturday, August 21, 2010

Please don't leave my country to drown. by Fatima Bhutto

A FIFTH of Pakistan has been devastated by monsoon floods in the past three weeks. But aid is failing to keep up with the unfolding disaster.
Pakistani author Fatima Bhutto, 28-year-old niece of the assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, warns that without help West-hating militants will step in and take advantage of the catastrophe.

IN Kambar, villagers live in stagnant, fetid flood-water between five to 8ft deep - an ideal breeding ground for malaria, cholera and dysentery.

Jacobabad is a ghost town. What locals remain can be found living on roadsides, with no shelter over their heads, begging for food and water.

Seventy-year-old Araba Bibi spent four days on top of a tree outside Peshawar as the waters drowned everything in sight.

Nasirabad is virtually cut off from the rest of Pakistan. Transport officials say the swamped town is unreachable.



My country has always paid heavily with the lives of its people - natural disasters, terrorism and political violence.

My father, Murtaza, was killed in a police encounter, his brother, Shahnawaz before him died under mysterious circumstances, their father, Zulfikar Ali, executed by the state and my aunt, Benazir assassinated two years ago.


But Pakistan has never witnessed such horror before.

Tens of thousands of villages are under water - estimated by the United Nations to have surpassed Haiti's recent earthquake in terms of damage.

The floods have affected one in ten Pakistanis.

A fifth of our country is submerged and aid officials are warning of a second wave of deaths by waterborne diseases.

No one knows when the water from the burst Indus river will change course, when the monsoon will end and how long it will take Pakistan to rebuild.

Aid efforts have been stymied, not least because of the incompetence of the government, whose President Zardari has continued with his foreign trips to Dubai, Europe and Russia.

And, there is the impression that any money sent to Pakistan ends up in the hands of extremists.
In fact, the opposite is true - local reports point to politicians saving their own constituencies at the cost of neighbouring towns and villages.

But if the world community turns its back on Pakistan, then relief efforts will fall to militant outfits who are adept at providing basic services quickly, including roving medical vans and tent villages.

The less aid that reaches Pakistan in a transparent manner, through organisations such as Oxfam, the UN and relief charity Merlin, the easier it will be for extremists to fill the gap.
We can't let that happen.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has called Pakistan's floods a "slow motion tsunami".
Please don't leave my country to drown.


  • Merlin will match donations to their Pakistan Flood Appeal for a limited time at merlin.org.uk. Or text GIVE to 70707 to donate £5 to the Disasters Emergency Committee.





  • Source:http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/features/3105475/Fatima-Bhutto-on-Pakistan-fllood.html

    Friday, August 20, 2010

    Campaign For Justice for Mir Murtaza Bhutto- August

      


    "You only live once, but if you do it right, once is enough"

        - Mae West















    In Solidarity


    Fatima Bhutto Fan club










    Disclaimer: None of the views expressed here are of Fatima Bhutto or any of her family members. These are views of the team...




    Copyright: Fatima Bhutto Fan club.
    Please do not reproduce this anywhere without permission.


    Tuesday, August 17, 2010

    Interview: Fatima Bhutto, author By Catherine Deveney

    Published Date: 17 August 2010

    HER name, she thinks, enters a room before her. Such a weight of expectation. Her physical presence: the petite figure, the lively, almond-shaped eyes and translucent skin, the curtain of dark hair that hangs over one shoulder then the other, transferred constantly in conversation, give an impression of fragility and delicacy, like fine bone china.

    But her words, though spoken lightly, are powerful, robust, more shatterproof than her appearance. That name of hers represents a political dynasty in Pakistan, generations of power, bloodshed and corruption: Bhutto.

    Fatima Bhutto knows the price of Pakistani dynasty. It cost the lives of her grandfather, her father, her uncle and her aunt. Her grand- father, Ali Zulfikar Bhutto, was executed in 1979 by the military government of General Zia. His sons, Shanawaz and Murtaza, vowed to avenge his death but were both murdered. Shanawaz died of poisoning in mysterious circumstances in Paris in 1985. Murtaza, Bhutto's father, was assassinated in 1996.

    Bhutto claims her aunt Benazir, who was Prime Minister at the time, was responsible for Murtaza's death and for clearing all evidence from the murder scene. Benazir herself would be assassinated in 2007 in similar circumstances, the crime scene being wiped of forensic evidence before any investigation could begin. It is Pakistan's way, says Bhutto: bloodshed followed by silence.

    In her book Songs Of Blood And Sword, she breaks the silence surrounding both the Bhutto family and state-sanctioned violence in Pakistan and this month she appears at the Edinburgh Book Festival to discuss her work. "There is a culture of silence," she explains. "Not just in Pakistan but in India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal — the whole region. It has this incredible history not just of violence but of state violence. It doesn't just kill dynasties or political figures but journalists and activists. We are expected to say nothing. The state, the establishment, the media … they ignore it."

    Her book is a best seller in Pakistan but hugely controversial. When we meet, she has not been home for months. Benazir's husband, Asif Zardari, "Mr Ten Per Cent", one of the richest men in Pakistan who spent over a decade in jail on corruption charges, took over as Prime Minister when his wife was assassinated. Bhutto spared him and Benazir nothing in her account of what she considers their malign influence on her country. "It is probably safest for me to spend some time away," she admits.


    Her hands are slender, expressive. It is hard to imagine her as a threat. She has a warmth, a humour, a kind of feisty intelligence.

    But anyone who talks openly in Pakistan is subversive. What can she possibly achieve by speaking out? "There is a high premium on this but I think it is dangerous to keep quiet in a country like Pakistan because the violence keeps happening.The longer you are silent, the easier it is for the state to continue it's history."

    But Bhutto's book is not just political. It's personal. Subtitled "A Daughter's Memoir", it was a promise to her father just hours before he died. Some critics have accused her of idolising Murtaza, of glossing over his foibles. Bhutto smiles. In Pakistan, she is accused of blasphemy. "You don't question your parents, especially if they are public figures. In Pakistan, people are attacking me for criticising. Over here, they say, ‘Oh, you were too soft.' I cannot fulfil other people's feelings about my family because this is a family that inspires very extreme emotions. You love them or hate them."


    Her own emotions are more mixed: the pull of her blood ties against the pull of her intellectual judgments. People should never be idolised for their name, she argues. It is what a person says and does that is important, not what their name represents. Yet researching her family's words and actions disturbed her. "In a family like this one, where there was a lot of opportunity and privilege and power, but also a lot of tragedy, I suppose I just assumed that power was something that happened to my family, that they just found themselves part of something.

    "But what I found very difficult is the way they didn't let go of it. It didn't happen to them, they sought it out. And when it wasn't near them, they went looking …"



    20 SEPTEMBER 1996. Fatima Bhutto is 14. She is on the phone when the first shot rings out outside the Bhutto home in Karachi. Seconds later, a barrage of shots. She grabs her six-year-old brother Zulfi, carrying him into a small, windowless corridor. They huddle together while the shooting rages for several minutes. When things quieten, the road is filled with police who will not let anyone out of the house. Fatima sits with her brother and stepmother Ghinwa (who she considers her real mother) but her papa does not return.

    She phones the Prime Minister, her Aunt Benazir, but gets Zardari. Where is Papa? Fatima cannot speak to Benazir, Zardari declares. She is too hysterical. As if on cue, loud wailing fills the line. "Your father has been shot," Zardari says. Murtaza, who has only recently returned from exile to Pakistan to fight the election, is dead.

    Murtaza was the eldest son of Ali Zulfikar and just 24 when his own father was killed. Until then, he led a privileged life, studying abroad like his brother Shanawaz and sister Benazir. He was living in London when his father was executed and he and Shanawaz immediately gave up their westernised lives to oppose the Pakistani military dictatorship.

    They went into exile, forming the left-wing political group Al-Zulfiqar, which was charged with various terrorist attacks including the 1981 hijacking of a Pakistani plane. They were later cleared of the crime and Murtaza always denied supporting terrorism.

    Fatima Bhutto grew up in exile in Syria but Murtaza's intention was always to return to Pakistan. When Shanawaz died in Paris, suspicion for his death fell on his own wife, Rehana, who was arrested then released. The family believed the government was ultimately responsible but Murtaza was married to Rehana's sister and their relationship fell apart. The couple divorced and Murtaza married his second wife, Ghinwa, when Fatima was just four years old.

    Fatima loved Ghinwa but she and Murtaza remained exceptionally close. "My father cut my hair until I was seven so I looked like Mowgli from The Jungle Book. He bathed me and took me to the doctor," she says. But Murtaza put avenging his father's death before his own family's security. Did she not feel angry or rejected? Bhutto considers the question carefully. "He and Shanawaz were only 24 and 20 when those choices were thrust upon them. I wish they hadn't seen that as their only course of action. But after that they moved, and they grew, as men and as people."

    Growing up, Bhutto and her brother were never taught that violence was a solution. They never believed they must avenge Murtaza's death in the way he felt he must avenge his father's. "There had to have been a lot of transition, a lot of movement, in a person's mind and their life, for them to pass on a different message to their children."

    When Benazir first came to power, Murtaza wanted to return home from Syria. "She said to him no, not now. It's difficult for me. Please don't come. He didn't." But he became a vocal opponent of corruption and human rights abuses under her regime, Bhutto says. Certainly, Benazir was charged with corruption, though the charges were later dropped in a deal to bring her back to office, but she was posthumously awarded a United Nations prize in the field of human rights. People interpret Benazir and Murtaza's lives so differently. Perhaps Benazir was right to see Murtaza as her rival. Did he not have a sense of political entitlement as the eldest Bhutto son? Absolutely not, insists his daughter. "I was the eldest daughter. I had a brother. My father never made me feel my brother was more important. Never.

    "It must have been very difficult for her," she continues. "I understand how diminishing it is to be told your gender doesn't make you valued. Progressive as Benazir's father was, he clearly says in his letters to his sons, you, my sons, personify me and you are the people who will take my history forth. But Benazir had all the same things that were afforded to her brothers and was sent away to study."

    As a child, Fatima, was close to Benazir, or "Wadi" as she called her.

    But Benazir's behaviour in power was not the behaviour of the young woman she once knew. "I remember a period when I was a child, before she was in power. I remember her not just as brave, but she really suffered so much, she sacrificed her own well being, her health, her freedom, for things she believed in. But then she did things I don't understand. There is the Benazir in power, who I don't recognise, the person who caused very similar suffering to what she endured. Then there is the Benazir I knew before power and when I think of her, I feel sad, because I felt like I lost her a long time ago, a long time before she was killed."

    A year after her brother Shanawaz was murdered, Benazir started to negotiate with the military government that the family held responsible. "The very establishment that killed her father and brother. She entered into power sharing. Her mother and my father thought it was the wrong move. She appointed a man whose signature was on her father's death warrant. She also agreed not to open a case into Shanawaz's murder. And she didn't."

    But it is a leap from failing to investigate one brother's death to actively participating in another's. Zardari was accused of being involved in Murtaza's death though no charges were proved. Even if they had been, could she be certain Benazir was involved? "The very tribunal that she put forward to investigate had no legal authority. I think they intended it to be a time-stalling mechanism. It backfired because the judges on that panel concluded that the order to assassinate could only have come from the highest level of government. She was the highest level of government."

    If Benazir didn't know, says Bhutto, her later behaviour was inexplicable. "Why did she stop us filing a police report? Why did she stop us taking criminal charges, going instead for a tribunal that would have no legal authority? Why did she arrest the witnesses and not the police? I questioned my aunt on a number of these issues and she never answered."

    She also questioned Benazir closely about the murder scene. "I remember saying to her, how could they clean up the streets? And she said, this is not the movies, as if I had understood how things worked from Hollywood where they don't clean up forensic scenes but real life is different. But the same thing happened to her. Had she protected the victims instead of the state at that point, it wouldn't have happened to her too."

    Benazir and Zardari were accused of accruing vast personal wealth from their time in power. But for Bhutto, the greatest corruption has nothing to do with paper trails or bank receipts. "It is about the fact that for 18 hours a day in summer we have no electricity. We are a nuclear country. We have oil, gas and coal. We are a rich country. If a country can make a nuclear bomb, I think it is fair to say it can light its streets. That's what corruption is in Pakistan.

    Corruption is present every day, everywhere, on every street."

    There is no system of sanitation. Rubbish piles up on the streets. In the monsoon rains of summer, people end up electrocuted. Benazir did nothing to address that and in the two years of her first government, not one single piece of legislation was passed. Neither was any repealed, not even the hated 1979 Hudood laws which many regarded as anti-women, holding women accountable even for their own rape.

    So why did Benazir do nothing? "That was the question she should have been asked. She never was. I try very hard to judge her on her record. The fact is that in her first government, no legislation was passed and her government was overthrown on grounds of corruption and humans rights abuses. Her second was overthrown on the same two grounds." It was also under Benazir's second government that the Taliban was not just recognised but supported by Pakistan. "Only three governments in the world recognised the Taliban and Benazir's was one of the them."

    The Bhutto family always claimed to support democracy. Why did they never achieve it? "I think the thing that changed all of them was power. It's the nature of the beast. To find someone who enters politics and isn't overwhelmed and transformed by it is very rare. That's the danger isn't it? I think there was a sense of entitlement. I think Benazir felt they owed her. They killed her father. They killed her brother. Fine — but she owed them too."

    When she heard about Benazir's assassination, did she feel any sense of justice? "No, I never thought blood was justice. I didn't want her to die. I wanted her to be alive to answer questions," she says.

    Writing about her father was like breathing life back into a murdered man. She met his American college friends. She met Della, his intense first love, who now calls herself Bhutto's Greek mother. People thought it scandalous to write about the blonde, non-Muslim older woman who was her father's lover. But it moved Bhutto to confront Murtaza's frailties. "Della said to me, ‘The way he treated me when we broke up … the letter was very cruel.' I kept trying to defend my father, saying I am sure he didn't mean to hurt you. Then when I looked at the dates, it was ten months before I was born and I thought ooh..." She laughs. "There was no wriggle room. Had he been alive, I would have had the chance to disagree with my father and have big arguments. But I lost out, didn't I?"

    Yet she felt him close during the years of writing. What of her mother? She adored Ghinwa but in her book seems to have an almost fearful relationship with her biological mother. "A month after my father was killed she came to my school and said, ‘I'm here for my daughter.' She filed for custody when I was 15." Wouldn't she expect her mother to want custody of her? "But this is not someone who called me every weekend or sent letters. I called her actually.


    I got letters once a year on my birthday."

    Was that her father's fault? Did he block her from Fatima's life? No, Murtaza wasn't like that. "A child has an innate sense of love, but it was something I didn't get from her as a child. I called her up when my father was killed. There was nothing to stop her picking up the phone or saying, can we meet? But she didn't."

    As part of the family, she might be expected to have political aspirations. But she disapproves of dynasty, of entitlement through inheritance, and it would be almost a betrayal to use her name in that way. But she has political aspirations for her country. She loved her father and she loved Pakistan; those two facts weave together like intertwining branches on a tree.

    She was brought up in Syria, her stepmother is Lebanese and she goes regularly to these countries. They are places of safety. But they do not provoke the same sense of longing in her as Pakistan. "I can think about them and dream about them, but I was never prevented from being in those countries."

    That sense of exile is crucial. But while the danger might delay her but it will not prevent her. "For me, Pakistan is a permanent condition. Maybe there will be times when I have to be outside it for a bit. But I will always return." n



    Bhutto appears at Edinburgh International Book Festival, today, 3pm. Songs of Blood and Sword,Jonathan Cape, £20


    Source: http://www.scotsman.com/features/Interview-Fatima-Bhutto-author.6475955.jp?articlepage=1

    Saturday, August 14, 2010

    Event 289 at Parabola Arts centre

    Saturday 16 October 2010 at 8:00 pm (60mins)
    Event 289 at Parabola Arts centre
    Price: £6 (reserved seating)
    (member price: £4.80) more

    Niece of the late Benazir, Fatima Bhutto is a member of one of the world’s best known political dynasties, and a family scarred by tragedy across several generations. She joins us to discuss her turbulent heritage, the subject of her extraordinary and passionate memoir, Songs of Blood and Sword.

    See our visitor information pages for useful booking info, venue maps etc.



    Source: http://cheltenhamfestivals.com/literature-2010/fatima-bhutto/

    Friday, August 13, 2010

    Thursday 16 September: ‘Crossing the Line: Expressing Pakistan’

    Writers featured in Granta’s upcoming Pakistan issue will read from their work and discuss the dynamics of expression in and out of Pakistan. Writers featured in this issue include Kamila Shamsie, Nadeem Aslam, Fatima Bhutto, Aamer Hussein and Daniyal Mueenuddin. In association with FLOW - The Free Word Festival.
    Free Word Centre, 60 Farringdon Road, London, EC1R 3GA, 6:30 p.m. Book tickets here.

    Tuesday, August 10, 2010

    Fatima Bhutto at Asia Society in NY

    Author Q & A



    Time
    24 September · 18:30 - 20:30

    LocationThe Asia Society
    725 Park Avenue
    New York, NY

    Created by:

    More info$10 Asia Society members; $12 students with ID and seniors; $15 nonmembers.

    http://asiasociety.org/events-calendar/fatima-bhutto-songs-blood-and-sword-daughter’s-memoir


    Source: http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=137787559594424&ref=mf

    Fatima Bhutto talks about the floods with Democracy Now

    Pakistan’s government is facing rising national anger as the devastating floods along the Indus River show little sign of abating. Some 1,600 people have died, and upwards of six million people are directly affected, according to the latest estimates from the United Nations, which has compared the scale of the crisis to the 2005 earthquake. As landslides and continuing rain complicated relief efforts, entire villages have been washed away and many towns submerged. Several areas of the country have been cut off, including the Swat Valley in the northwest and parts of Pakistan’s breadbasket of Punjab and Sindh some 600 miles downstream the Indus River. With 1.5 million acres of croplands ravaged, the prices of basic foods have also skyrocketed. [includes rush transcript)

    AMY GOODMAN: Pakistan’s government is facing rising national anger as the devastating floods along the Indus River show little sign of abating. Some 1,600 people have died, upwards of six million people directly affected, according to the latest estimates from the United Nations, which has compared the scale of the crisis to the 2005 earthquake. As landslides and continuing rain complicated relief efforts, entire villages have been washed away and many towns submerged. Several areas of the country have been cut off, including the Swat Valley in the northwest and parts of Pakistan’s breadbasket of Punjab and Sindh some 600 miles downstream the Indus River. With one-and-a-half million acres of croplands ravaged, the prices of basic foods have skyrocketed.

    This is Mohamad Amin, a resident of Mingora in the Swat Valley.
    MOHAMAD AMIN: [translated] The people of Swat have been the worst-affected by the floods. Hundreds of people have been swept away by the floods. Thousands of houses have collapsed, and hundreds of thousands have been affected. The inaction of the government in this crisis is regrettable.


    AMY GOODMAN: Meanwhile, the Pakistani president, Asif Ali Zardari, returned home today after a prolonged European tour that sparked fury at home over his absence at a time of national disaster. The government insists his overseas trip was crucial, but images of the president at his chateau in France while his country is battling the worst floods in nearly a century have deepened his unpopularity and strengthened the role of the army. Zardari even faced protests in Britain, with a Pakistani demonstrator in Birmingham hurling a shoe towards him Saturday.
    Meanwhile in London, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the twenty-one-year-old son of Asif Ali Zardari and the assassinated former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, launched an appeal for Pakistan’s floods and defended his father’s absence.

    BILAWAL BHUTTO ZARDARI: As we all know, Pakistan is facing the worst floods in living memory. The floodwaters have devastated the lives of a people who have already suffered the most at the hands of terrorists. I ask everyone to do what you can to help the people of Pakistan. This is not a time to play politics. We need to do whatever is necessary to help our brothers and sisters in Pakistan.


    AMY GOODMAN: Well, for more on the situation in Pakistan, we’re joined now from Karachi by writer and poet Fatima Bhutto. She is the niece of Benazir Bhutto and a vocal critic of the current Pakistani president, Asif Ali Zardari. Her latest article in foreignpolicy.com calls the current crisis "Zardari’s Katrina." Her memoir, Songs of Blood and Sword, will be published in the United States this fall.

    Fatima Bhutto, welcome to Democracy Now! First, describe the situation in your country, the extent of the floods and the response of the Pakistani people.

    FATIMA BHUTTO: Well, it’s as you said, Amy. We’re now hearing that 14 million people are being affected by these floods. This season’s rice crop in the Sindh province, in the food belt of this country, has been destroyed. The River Indus is bursting at its banks. We know that more than two million people are in desperate need of food aid. Many hundreds of thousands more have been displaced and lost their homes. And we are hearing now that Mohenjo-daro, which is the birthplace of the Indus civilization, the world’s first planned city that has existed since 2400 BC, is under threat of being destroyed. The destruction in terms of the country’s infrastructure has been enormous. Electricity grids have been shot in the Punjab and Sindh province. The Swat Valley, as you said, is completely closed off. And we are only in the middle of monsoon season. You know, it is raining in Karachi today, as we speak now.

    AMY GOODMAN: And talk about where the president is. We should say that Benazir Bhutto, the assassinated prime minister, was your aunt, so he is your uncle. President Zardari, where is he?
    FATIMA BHUTTO: Yes, by marriage, I should point out. But, you know, Zardari embarked on a European-wide tour. He stopped in Dubai, where he and his children have lived for many years. As you said, he visited his chateau in France and took photo opportunities with President Sarkozy and with David Cameron.

    That Zardari would leave the country at a time when it faces its worst national disaster ever is not surprising. This is also the month that has seen Pakistan’s worst aviation disaster in our history. This is the month where human right groups have estimated that some 300 people, some 300 politicians and political activists, have been murdered in targeted killings in the city of Karachi alone. And Karachi was the place—the scene of carnage just recently, where a member of Parliament was killed, and anywhere between thirty-five to seventy-five people were killed in retributive acts of murder. President Zardari has a history of leaving the country when the going gets tough. A local pundit anecdotally once estimated that Richard Holbrooke has spent more time in Pakistan than the president.

    And he has defended his decision, robustly, to leave the country. He has claimed that he has no responsibility at the moment to the people, that the Senate and the Parliament can take care of the disaster. But, however, this is a man who is not only one of the most venal figures in the country, but this is a man who is facing corruption cases in the billions of dollars before he ascended to the office of the presidency.

    AMY GOODMAN: How does he justify being outside of the country at this time of crisis, the worst flooding in a century?

    FATIMA BHUTTO: Well, he said to the BBC that, as an extraordinarily munificent Democrat, he has no responsibility, because he has empowered the Senate and the Parliament to deal with the crisis. But, of course, that’s an incredibly hollow justification. The Pakistani—the entire upper echelon of the Pakistani state has traveled to Europe and to Dubai at the expense of the Pakistani people. Zardari has been staying at five-star hotels everywhere he goes. He has been ferried around in private limousines. The security for him and his entourage is privately hired. So there is absolutely no justification. There’s no justification for spending that money that Pakistan so desperately needs. And, of course, it’s ridiculous then to say that the president had to go abroad to lobby for funds for the flood victims, when in fact the flood victims could have benefited from the money that the Pakistani Treasury has just spent on this enormously pointless visit.

    AMY GOODMAN: You say, Fatima Bhutto, if rumors in the Pakistani press are correct, the President Zardari’s European tour is more cynical than it seems; it’s a trip to kick off his son’s political career.

    FATIMA BHUTTO: Well, this was what was being rumored not just in the Pakistani press, but also in the British press in The Daily Telegraph and The Times of London. And what we know is that this is a government that finds itself in power on the basis of a name. It finds itself in power on the basis of a name, in fact, that is not even theirs. You know, this is a false dynasty, though all dynasties are dangerous and false, certainly. But Asif Zardari remains in power on the blood of his wife. And we know, certainly, that, you know, he has taken his children abroad to meet with heads of states before, that they are part of his entourage, that his family members—his sister, namely—are part of, you know, the hundred-deep entourage that travels with the president. There is absolutely no justification, however, for a trip of this expense and of this amount of time, especially as Pakistan is submerged.

    AMY GOODMAN: As experts grapple with the causes for the scale of the current devastation, some point to the poor construction of small dams or barrages along the surging Indus River. Democracy Now!'s Anjali Kamat spoke to Mushtaq Gaadi, a professor at Islamabad's Quaid-e-Azam University and a longtime water rights activist. He emphasized the breaches in one particular barrage on the Indus in the province of Punjab. It’s called Taunsa Barrage and was renovated under a World Bank-funded project that was completed just six months ago.

    MUSHTAQ GAADI: There was no doubt that the size of the flood was very massive. But the destruction that was brought, it was brought due to the breaches in the dykes and the breaches in embankments. And certainly, there are many man-made causes involved in what’s been the situation. The main cause of the flood, worsening of the flood, was Taunsa Barrage. It was in the downstream of Taunsa Barrage. And the reason was that the Taunsa Barrage is the most tilted-up river, and its capacity, storage capacity, has been reduced. So it is not possible to hold up the water and then to—and embankments are in very bad shape.

    When the World Bank started its rehabilitation project of Taunsa Barrage three years ago, it was meant to basically to rehabilitate and repair the whole barrage. And $140 million were allocated. We asked them to pay attention to ecological issues, and especially the issue of this tilt, the position, sedimentation of the barrage, and how the whole ecology of the barrage is going to change, because its channel has been raised up, and now all the low-lying areas are in—more in the danger of floods. So, all that have been ignored. So, after the rehabilitation project, just after six months, the barrage failed to hold up the water, and it was breached. So it was—in fact, it was the failure of Taunsa Barrage that caused such large destruction. It was a failure of the one structure of Taunsa Barrage. That was embankment. So, it is not only the—these are not only natural floods, but also the structures that were created were injurious and badly looked after by irrigation department, that have caused such destruction and worsened the situation.


    AMY GOODMAN: Mushtaq Gaadi from Quaid-e-Azam University in Pakistan, talking about the breaches to one of the small dams, or barrages, on the Indus River.
    One of the many areas badly affected by the floods is Balochistan. On Sunday, Democracy Now!'s Anjali Kamat reached Qalandar Memon with the Labor Party of Pakistan about relief eforts in this historically ignored region.

    QALANDAR MEMON: Balochistan is historically neglected by the state. It hasn't [inaudible] the education network. Balochis are far more unemployed or underrepresented in all state institutions, in terms military, bureaucracy. And as you probably already know, there is an insurgency going on for separation and for other demands, autonomy. And in light of that, the flooding has not really—the government has done very little to support the people who have been flooded. And the government, in terms of what they did, is that turned up with very minor number of food and—and, you know, over 40,000 people in the first few days were affected, and then it’s increased. And they turned up with something like 5,000 food parcels. And, of course, that’s going to cause more trouble and rioting, because it was just dumped, and they left, leaving people to sort out how to distribute it themselves. I’ve also heard stories of mass corruption among the officials and that people with connections and people who are able to pay the government are able to get relief, and others are suffering.

    So, the flooding swept villages. People did not expect it. And they were basically—they had to run for their lives to higher ground, and there they had to sleep in the open, without shelter, clean drinking water, and their food supplies, of course, finished, because they rely on stock, livestock, and that’s been swept away, in most cases. So they are without food, without clean drinking water, and they have very little shelter. Now, as time has gone by, more and more people are moving, if possible, because the roads are blocked, and it’s very difficult when people are still scared. But if possible, when they get a chance, they’re trying to move to bigger cities, such as Quetta. But a lot of people, I think—the last I heard, there are at least 50,000 people sleeping in the open still in Balochistan. Everyone here has been complaining the government actually does not have the capacity to respond, because when there isn’t a disaster, they do nothing in terms of capacity building. So, this is the critique that people articulated after the earthquake, and I don’t think that it’s gone much further than that.


    AMY GOODMAN: Qalandar Memon from the Labor Party of Pakistan.

    We’re still on the line with Fatima Bhutto, the Pakistani poet, the niece of the assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Fatima, I wanted to ask you about the growing strength of the Taliban. And, well, the Washington Post is reporting the US military has sent six helicopters, ninety-one troops, hundreds of thousands of meals from neighboring Afghanistan, to help with relief efforts in Swat. The presence of US troops on the ground in Pakistan has the potential to kick up controversy, given the deep mistrust of American motivation. And it goes on to say, Islamic charities, including ones that are known fronts for banned militant groups, have begun distributing assistance in some areas, as have Western governmental organizations, but for the most part, residents said they’re receiving no aid at all. So talk about what this means for the military and for the rise of the Taliban in Pakistan.

    FATIMA BHUTTO: Well, certainly the last statement is correct, and we know this again to be true from the 2005 earthquake. The state is absolutely unwilling or incompetent when it comes to providing even the most basic of services to their people during peacetime, during times of no natural disasters.

    Secondly, while there is aid coming from the American military, we also have to remember that American Predator drones fly over Pakistan on what feels like weekly missions—what are weekly missions—in attacks that have killed more than 200 unnamed Pakistanis this year alone. So, with one hand, America cannot expect to give aid and find people, you know, grateful recipients of that aid, and the other, bomb people overhead, people who have not been indicted, people who have been, you know, uncharged with anything.

    And certainly, what we know to be true, again, from the 2005 earthquake is the fact that when there is a total absence of the state, a vacuum is created. We know, not just in the northern parts of Pakistan that were badly hit by the 2005 earthquake, but many other parts of the country are without access to justice. They’re without any law-and-order institutions set up. They have no access to hospitals or schools. And that vacuum is very ably filled by militant groups, who come in, who provide madrasah education, which may be a child’s only chance to learn how to read and write. They provide quick and speedy access to what they believe is justice. And indeed, their popularity grows as a result. And we’re seeing that now with the floods. We are still seeing that. We are seeing, in parts of the flood-affected areas, the BBC is reporting, that survivors have physically attacked government officials and members of the ruling party, who have been absolutely inept when it comes to caring for their constituents and to providing any form of aid.

    AMY GOODMAN: Is global warming tied to the floods, Fatima?

    FATIMA BHUTTO: Well, I would certainly—I would certainly think so. I think there is any number of issues that are tied to these floods. I mean the global warming, the poor construction of these very large ineffectual dams, and the fact that Pakistan, even though we have monsoon season every year—it comes at the same time every year—the state has not strengthened any institutions that could have and should have contained the rain.

    AMY GOODMAN: Fatima Bhutto, I want to thank you for being with us, Pakistani poet, niece of the assassinated former prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Her memoir, Songs of Blood and Sword, will be published in the United States this fall.


    Source: http://www.democracynow.org/2010/8/9/fatima_bhutto_pakistans_devastating_floods_is

    Monday, August 9, 2010

    Fatima Bhutto's interview with with Masoud Golsorkhi

    Fatima Bhutto is a 28-year-old writer from Pakistan. Her grandfather Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was executed in 1979; her aunt Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in 2007; and her father Murtaza Bhutto was killed in 1996, probably – or most assume – on the orders of Asif Ali Zardari, widower of Benazir and current president of Pakistan. Fatima’s new book is an autobiographical tribute to her murdered father, Songs of Blood and Sword: A Daughter’s Memoir. She discusses with Masoud Golsorkhi the genesis of the memoir, her everyday life in Karachi, and the rise of the suicide bomber.

    Masoud Golsorkhi: What made you tackle your own life?

    Fatima Bhutto: It was one of the last things I promised my father before he was killed, that I would tell his story. Just hours before he was killed we were all sitting together as a family and I said to him, “You have such a fascinating life, you should write a book.” And he said, “No, I can’t. It’s too dangerous for me to say the things I know. You do it. When I’m gone you can do it.” I was 14 at the time and wildly precocious, and I took out a pen and paper but he said, “No, no, not now, after I’m dead you can do the book.” And hours later he was killed, and it was the last thing I owed him I think. So six years ago when I was in London doing my Masters at SOAS [the School of Oriental and African Studies], I finally felt brave enough to start digging and to start searching for people, and then I started writing around two years ago.

    MG: Why did you start writing then?

    FB: Because two years ago these people many of whom I believed were guilty of murder were about to come back into office, and I thought if I don’t start now I’m going to lose access to people, to documents. I was right as it turned out because two months after I started writing, Asif Ali Zardari acquitted himself in all the murder cases he was involved in, one of which was my father’s, and then by September he was “elected” by his own parliament as president.

    MG: The book lives in an interesting place between personal memoir and investigative journalism, yet it’s quite open about its limitations.

    FB: To tackle a family this difficult and a country this complicated, the only way I could do it was just to be exceedingly honest. Even though this book was six years of research and flying back and forth for interviews, some points were still blank for me, like my uncle’s [Shahnawaz Bhutto] murder: the people who were there were either dead or they had moved on or they were untraceable. I sat down to write and I thought that’s what I have to say then, I can’t pretend that I know more than I do. And the things I like to read all have that sort of no-bullshit attitude in them. Malcolm X’s autobiography is one of my favourite books because at no point does he pretend; he is honest about what he knows and what he doesn’t. Malcolm X is very open about the fact that he was a hustler and a criminal, that he was self-hating, and what I like so much is not only the honesty but also the journey.

    MG: Why was it so important for you to write about Pakistan?

    FB: I felt very much that there had to be another space for discussion and another sort of story. It seems that so many people who write about Pakistan, so many people who want to tell our story, are foreigners. You know, they’re New York Times journalists or Washington Post correspondents or they write for the Guardian. Now we have a lot of Pakistani voices writing fiction, but not so much non-fiction, and historically a lot of our most famous poets wrote in exile, they couldn’t write in their own country because they were criticising regimes and institutions. But I think that silence is more dangerous, always, than speaking out. In a country like Pakistan where there’s a legacy of political violence, of state violence, its partner is silence. States assume that they can do this, whether it’s Pakistan or it’s Sri Lanka and its concentration camps, and that you will just shut up about it because the price is always too high. And these are countries where the price of everything is too high, water and electricity included, but silence is much more costly.

    MG: What do you think about the way Pakistan is portrayed in the West?

    FB: There are things that we know in Pakistan, that we watched happen, but the narrative that’s written for Pakistan by the West is totally different. Even when it comes to Benazir, for example, people abroad are always saying, “Oh my God, she did such wonderful things for women,” but in fact she was a woman who covered her hair when she didn’t have to, and most women didn’t at that time. And it was under her government that the Taliban was recognised by Pakistan, at a time when only three governments in the world recognised the Taliban: Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Benazir’s Pakistan.

    MG: What is life in Pakistan like for your generation?

    FB: I guess we came of age in the age of dictatorships, and we’ve had over 30 years now of either oppressive military regimes or oppressive civilian ones. It’s certainly a feeling that gets underneath your skin but you learn to adapt to that kind of fear and violence very quickly, you learn all the rules of how to survive it because you have to, because that’s what the environment is like. Take the Lawyers’ Movement [a protest movement started by Pakistani lawyers in 2007, after General Pervez Musharraf unconstitutionally sacked the Chief Justice Muhammad Chaudhry] – everybody in the West assumed that this was a movement about the sanctity of the law, but it wasn’t, it was a movement about one man’s unceremonial dismissal. And it wasn’t mentioned anywhere that this movement broke down the court system, that for two years people were languishing in jails because there was no one to represent them, and that the lawyers never spoke about the Hudood Laws [legislation enacted in 1979 that severely curtailed women’s rights], which say you can put a woman to death for having adultery. The Lawyers’ Movement was in a way a very tribal fight, but the impression that all this exposure gave was that it was some sort of watershed for democracy, and it really wasn’t. I suppose the other paradigm is a completely ridiculous one that says, “Oh well, look we had fashion week in Pakistan and therefore everything is fine, therefore the Taliban can’t win.” But again that’s a very difficult picture because that fashion week is enjoyed by not even a per cent of the population: it’s a per cent of a per cent of a per cent. It’s almost proving what the Islamists say about a certain segment of the population: that they don’t even care about their own country, that they only care about their own wealth and their own luxuries and their own opportunities, which is what a fashion week looks like in a country where we should really be having an electricity week, a sanitation week, a plumbing week!

    MG: What was the country like when your grandfather was in charge?

    FB: I wasn’t born then. But I knew that Pakistan through my father’s dreams and his longing for a country that no longer existed. I never saw the Pakistan that was pre-fundamentalism, pre-Afghan war, but it was described to me in this sort of utopian way, as a place that was really trying something new, a country that was in the middle of an experiment, and the imagination they had for themselves was grand and it was proud. It was the kind of place that visually seemed impossible to me because my father would tell me about riding bikes down to the beach to watch the cavalry come and wash their horses in the ocean. In the Karachi that I live in now you don’t bike anywhere because it’s unsafe, you know the streets are unsafe for a Pakistani.

    MG: How do you cope with the levels of violence?

    FB: The one thing I always felt comforted by was a memory of one time in Karachi before these bombings started. One day I was supposed to go with my mother to run errands before going back to college, and then this huge suicide attack happened and it closed down a main road, and in my mind I immediately cancelled my life for the day and just decided to stay put. The next thing I know, my mother has her coat on and she says, “Let’s go.” I remember thinking, but the attacks have just happened in the city, and she said, “You know it will be safe now because they don’t normally bomb twice in the same place.” I guess that’s the survivor’s way of understanding violence.

    Songs of Blood and Sword: A Daughter’s Memoir is published by Jonathan Cape and out now.
    randomhouse.co.uk/


    Source:http://www.tankmagazine.com/magazine/interviews/fatima-bhutto-80

    Zardari's Katrina

    Why is Pakistan’s president junketing while his people drown?


    This week, Pakistan's president, Asif Ali Zardari, boarded a private Gulfstream Jet along with his family and his hundreds-large entourage to visit the European countries included on the president's grand tour. Yesterday, Zardari -- who was married to my aunt, the late Benazir Bhutto, before her 2007 murder -- landed in London. As soon as the plane touched down, the president and his Very Important coterie were chauffeured in a dozen luxury vehicles to a five-star hotel where the president will be staying in a £7,000 ($11,160) per night Royal Suite.

    His welcome, however, was less than royal. On the drive to the hotel, protesters held placards reading "Zardari King of Thieves," "Zardari 100% Pure Corruption," and "GO Zardari GO." While Zardari was schmoozing with his cronies in luxe London hotels, Pakistan was reeling from the deadliest floods to hit the country in 80 years. In short, it looks like Zardari's Katrina.

    More than 3 million people in the northwestern region of Pakistan have now been affected by the floods. Parts of the north are facing terminal food shortages even as they are inaccessible to relief workers. The U.N. World Food Program says that 1.8 million will urgently need something to eat in coming weeks. The death toll has risen steadily in recent days to more than 1,400 people. About another million have lost their homes.

    The news is also unlikely to get any better: Officials now say that the waters are expected to hit Punjab and Sindh provinces, Pakistan's food-producing regions. New flood warnings are still being issued, and the country is bracing for further monsoon downpours.

    Zardari takes a lot of overseas trips -- so many that one local TV pundit estimated somewhat anecdotally last year that Richard Holbrooke, U.S. President Barack Obama's special envoy to the "AfPak" region, had spent more time in Pakistan than Zardari had recently. But the timing of this particular visit has angered not only his subjects but also his hosts. Two prominent Asian Britons refused to meet the visiting head of state. Khalid Mahmood, a member of parliament, vigorously condemned Zardari's decision to visit London. "A lot of people are dying," he told the press. "He should be [in Pakistan] to try to support the people, not swanning around in the UK and France." Lord Ahmed, a labor MP, continued that Zardari had a responsibility to be "looking after people, not [be] over here."

    Yet the protests seem to have fallen on deaf ears -- which really shouldn't surprise anyone who has watched the Zardari government in action. The floods are just the latest, most tragic example of how inept the Pakistani state truly is. The inundation was predictable; Pakistan suffers monsoon rains every year at exactly the same time. But in a country -- and with a president -- so endemically corrupt, dealing with the entirely preventable, whether terrorism or natural disasters, has become impossible. There is simply no will, and more importantly no money, to spend on the Pakistani people. The country's coffers are constantly being diverted to more pressing programs -- or pockets, for that matter. Before he came to office, Zardari was facing corruption charges in Switzerland, Spain, and Britain. (As president, he withdrew Pakistan's cooperation with the latter two countries' courts; his presidential immunity prevented a Swiss case from re-opening.)

    And thus the tragedy unfolds: There are no emergency evacuation plans for natural disasters, nor is there money for institutions that could help victims of such crises. What there is money for -- almost $600,000 -- are such programs as the Martyr Benazir Bhutto Income Support Scheme, a cult of personality initiative named after the president's late wife. Those who sign up receives meager cash handouts and find themselves on the president's ruling party's election rolls -- which themselves received more government funds than two whole federal departments of Pakistan put together.

    Meanwhile, if rumors in the Pakistani press are right, Zardari's European tour is even more cynical than it already seems. The trip is meant to kickstart the president's young son's political career. That launch has to take place overseas to avoid the inevitably hostile reactions such a dynastic coronation would draw back in Pakistan. Speculation has it that Zardari's son Bilawal, a recent college graduate who is already co-chairman along with Zardari of their political party, will proclaim himself the future leader of Pakistan to a select audience in Birmingham on August 7.

    Pakistan's The News newspaper summed up popular sentiment in a laundry list of questions posed to the country's High Commission in London. "Who is paying for the buses and coaches being booked to bring people to the Birmingham rally?" the paper asks. "Why will the president not cancel his visit?" And the most crucial question: Shouldn't the money for the trip be better spent on the flood victims? In response, the Pakistani High Commission issued a one-line blanket response: "This is an official visit and procedures for official visits are being followed."

    Pakistan can ill afford a president who prioritizes his personal political future over the lives of millions of his citizens. We have always known in Pakistan that the rest of the world's attention comes at a tremendously high cost. Yet we seem to keep paying.

    Source: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/08/04/zardaris_katrina?page=0,0&sms_ss=facebook